Project and content management for Contemporary Authors volumes
WORK TITLE: The Peacemakers
WORK NOTES:
PSEUDONYM(S):
BIRTHDATE: 6/26/1951
WEBSITE:
CITY: Durham
STATE: NC
COUNTRY: United States
NATIONALITY:
https://sites.duke.edu/bruce7jentleson/; phone: (919) 613-9208
RESEARCHER NOTES:
PERSONAL
Born June 26, 1951.
EDUCATION:Cornell University, B.A., 1973, Ph.D., 1983; London School of Economics, M.S., 1975.
ADDRESS
CAREER
Educator, political scientist, writer, foreign policy advisor. Sanford School of Public Policy, Duke University, Durham, NC, current Professor of Public Policy and Political Science, formerly Director of the Terry Sanford Institute. Also served as senior foreign policy advisor to Vice President Al Gore, 2000 presidential campaign, in the Clinton administration State Department (1993-94), and as a foreign policy aide, Senators Gore (1987-88) and Dave Durenberger (1978-79). Senior advisor to the U.S. State Department Policy Planning Director, 2009-11; served on the Obama 2012 campaign National Security Advisory Steering Committee, 2012. Henry A. Kissinger Chair in Foreign Policy and International Relations at the John W. Kluge Center, Library of Congress, 2015-16. Has also lectured internationally.
Serves on the Boards of Directors of the Close Up Foundation and the National Security Network, Board of Trustees of the Carnegie Council on Ethics and International Affairs, 2017-2017 (Vice-Chair, Executive Committee 2016-17) and the Editorial Boards of Political Science Quarterly, Washington Quarterly, Global Responsibility to Protect, and CIAO (Columbia International Affairs Online).
AWARDS:Harold D. Lasswell Award, American Political Science Association; Fulbright senior research scholar in Spain.
WRITINGS
Contributor of numerous articles to journals and of chapters to scholarly books.
SIDELIGHTS
Bruce W. Jentleson is Professor of Public Policy and Political Science at Duke University, where he previously served as Director of the Terry Sanford Institute of Public Policy (now the Sanford School of Public Policy). As a leading scholar of American foreign policy, he has served in a number of U.S. policy and political positions.
Jentleson is the author of a number of books, including With Friends Like These: Reagan, Bush, and Saddam, 1982-1990, The End of Arrogance: American in the Global Competition of Ideas, and The Peacemakers: Leadership Lessons from Twentieth-century Statesmanship.
With Friends Like These
In With Friends Like These, Jentleson draws on numerous declassified documents, interviews, and Congressional hearings to examine the U.S. policy toward Iraq up the Persian Gulf War. The work details why U.S. policy failed and provides lessons for future policy makers. The author demonstrates how the efforts by both the Reagan and George H.W. Bush administrations attempted to convert Iraq from what was then seen as a “terrorist” state to a cooperative partner. Part of this campaign involved the sale of American arms and technology, massive credits in order to finance U.S. food sales to Iraq, and also U.S. support for the sale of weapons by other countries to Iraq. However, instead of creating a trusted partner, such measures only served to strengthen Saddam’s regime and to help build its military strength leading up to the Gulf War. Both Reagan and Bush ignored arguments calling for a national energy program that would make the United States less dependent on the oil reserves of the unstable Persian Gulf. Instead, these presidents felt that by turning Saddam into their surrogate, the could achieve energy independence without the pain of domestic oil restrictions. As Jentleson shows in his book, this was the same policy that led the U.S. to back the Shah of Iran with equally disastrous results. According to the author, the policy in Iraq failed as a result of Saddam’s treachery.
Writing in the Washington Monthly, Charles William Maynes noted: “With Friends Like These offers a solid account of numerous blunders made by both the Reagan and Bush administrations regarding Iraq. But Jentleson wants to provide more than a good historical account. He argues that Reagan and Bush should have recognized from the beginning that their policy toward Iraq was going to fail.” Further praise came from Foreign Affairs contributor William B. Quandt, who commented: “After a spate of instant histories on the Persian Gulf War, a carefully researched analytical book has finally appeared. Now one can review both what happened and why, although not all will agree with the tough criticism of the failures of the Reagan and Bush administrations.” Similarly, a Publishers Weekly writer observed that “Jentleson’s scholarly study charges that Washington’s policy toward Baghdad from 1982 was flawed in conception and execution.” Likewise, Political Science Quarterly critic Robert A. Divine noted: “Jentleson offers a sober, thorough, persuasive, and yet highly partisan critique of American policy toward Iraq in the decade preceding the Persian Gulf War. He contends that a flawed policy of seeking friendship with Saddam Hussein against Iran led Presidents Ronald Reagan and George Bush into an unwise policy that culminated in the 1990 invasion of Kuwait.”
The End of Arrogance
Jentleson’s 2010 study, The End of Arrogance, is coauthored with Steven Weber, and argues that in the twenty-first century the United States must be willing to take a different stance in a world that is no longer immediately shaped by free-market capitalism, the primacy of Western culture, hegemony, or democracy. These ideas helped to shape the twentieth-century world, but as the authors demonstrate, these have lost some of their strength in the new millennium. No longer can the United States simply dominate; now the country must learn a new strategy other than military might. Instead, Jentleson and Weber contend that the U.S. must take part in the global marketplace of ideas, competing against authoritarian rulers, state-directed capitalism, and the pull of religious fundamentalism. The authors call for an end to American arrogance in the conduct of its foreign policy. Mutuality must be at the center of a global dialogue.
“The End of Arrogance makes an important contribution to a daunting intellectual endeavor, above all by making its thoughtful claims in a measured, deliberate way that invites productive dialogue,” according to Michael H. Hunt writing in Political Science Quarterly. G. John Ikenberry, reviewing the book in Foreign Affairs Online, similarly commented: “Acknowledging that no country has a monopoly on good ideas, the book makes a good case that the United States needs to recast the way it talks about its role in the world.” A Publishers Weekly Online contributor was also impressed, observing, “Though their message is far from new, it’s extremely well-articulated.”
The Peacemakers
In his 2018 work, The Peacemakers, Jentleson attempts to take lessons from twentieth-century leaders who threw out the zero-sum script in order to make breakthroughs in seemingly intractable situations. Among the eighteen stories the author provides are the work between Henry Kissing and Zhou Enlai leading to the opening of U.S.-China relations; the end of the Cold War via the influence of Mikhail Gorbachev; the achievements of United Nations Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjöld; Nelson Mandela and South African reconciliation; the search for Arab-Israeli peace by Yitzhak Rabin; and the nonviolent revolution of Mahatma Gandhi. Jentleson also contrasts the futile attempts by Woodrow Wilson to found a League of Nations to the successful efforts of Franklin D. Roosevelt to establish the United Nations. According to Jentleson, these leaders provide lessons for their twenty-first-century counterparts.
A Kirkus Reviews critic had praise for The Peacemakers, noting: “With John F. Kennedy’s Profiles in Courage as a model, Jentleson … offers portraits of 18 transformative leaders who advanced international peace, justice, freedom, and human rights.” The critic further termed the study an “informative addition to the burgeoning field of leadership studies.” Ikenberry, writing in Foreign Affairs Online, also had praise, commenting: “Jentleson reminds readers that leaders do matter. … None of the leaders he profiles was without flaws, but each found a moment when his or her charisma, wit, or rugged determination helped move history forward. Library Journal contributor Mark Jones also had a high assessment of The Peacemakers, concluding: “Concrete historical narratives breathe life into what could have been dry and abstract political science. Readers interested in world history, world leaders, and how history’s lessons instruct future peacemaking will find this work compelling.”
BIOCRIT
PERIODICALS
Booklist, October 1, 1997, review of Encyclopedia of U.S. Foreign Relations, p. 353.
Foreign Affairs, March-April, 1995, William B. Quandt, review of With Friends Like These: Reagan, Bush and Saddam, 1982-1990, p. 161.
Kirkus Reviews, February 15, 2018, review of The Peacemakers: Leadership Lessons from Twentieth-century Statesmanship.
Library Journal, April 1, 1997, Edward Goedeken, review of Encyclopedia of U.S. Foreign Relations, p. 82; March 1, 2018, Mark Jones, review of The Peacemakers, p. 95.
Political Science Quarterly, summer, 1995, Robert A. Divine, review of With Friends Like These, p. 308; fall, 2011, Michael H. Hunt, review of The End of Arrogance: America in the Global Competition of Ideas, p. 505.
Publishers Weekly, August 8, 1994, review of With Friends Like These, p. 408.
Reference & Research Book News, November, 2010, review of The End of Arrogance and American Foreign Policy: The Dynamics of Choice in the 21st Century; October, 2013, review of American Foreign Policy.
Washington Monthly, January-February, 1995, Charles William Maynes, review of With Friends Like These, p. 53.
ONLINE
Carnegie Council website, https://www.carnegiecouncil.org/ (June 30, 2018), “Bruce W. Jentleson.”
Foreign Affairs Online, https://www.foreignaffairs.com/ (November 1, 2010), G. John Ikenberry, review of The End of Arrogance; (May 1, 2018), G. John Ikenberry, review of The Peacemakers.
Foreign Policy, https://foreignpolicy.com/ (June 30, 2018), “Bruce Jentleson.”
Globalist, https://www.theglobalist.com/ (June 30, 2018), “Bruce W. Jentleson.”
Publishers Weekly Online, ttps://www.publishersweekly.com/ (December 20, 2010), review of The End of Arrogance.
Sanford School of Public Policy, Duke University website, https://sanford.duke.edu/ (June 30, 2018), “Bruce W. Jentleson.”
Scholars website, https://scholars.org/ (June 30, 2018), “Bruce Jentleson.”
Jentleson has expertise on many aspects of U.S. foreign policy, particularly the Middle East (Israel, Arab-Israeli, Iran, Syria, Libya, the Arab Spring). He also speaks and writes frequently on “big picture” overall U.S. global strategy. Beginning in September of 2015, he will serve a one-year term as the Henry A. Kissinger Chair in Foreign Policy and International Relations at the Library of Congress Kluge Center. He has served in a number of government positions, including as a Senior Advisor at the State Department (2009-2011), senior foreign policy advisor to Al Gore’s presidential campaign (1999-2000), State Department Policy Planning Staff (1993-94), a foreign policy advisor to Vice Presidential candidate Gore (1992), and a foreign policy aide for Senator Gore (1987-88). Jentleson has served on a number of D.C.-based working groups, including currently as a member of the Responsibility to Protect Working Group, co-chaired by Madeleine Albright and Rich Williamson.
Bruce Jentleson is a professor at Duke University’s Sanford School of Public Policy, the 2015-16 Henry Kissinger chair in foreign policy and international relations at the Library of Congress John W. Kluge Center, a Wilson Center global fellow, and is on the Foreign Policy Advisory Board of the Chicago Council on Global Affairs.
Bruce Jentleson is professor of public policy and political science at Duke University, where he served from 2000 to 2005 as director of the Terry Sanford Institute of Public Policy. He has served as a senior advisor to the U.S. State Department Policy Planning Director; as a foreign policy aide in the U.S. Senate; and as foreign policy advisor to Al Gore during his 2000 presidential campaign. In addition to numerous articles, he is the co-author of The End of Arrogance: America in the Global Competition of Ideas, with Steven Weber.
Duke University Professor, foreign policy scholar/author/DC policy experience. Latest book, 5th edition of American Foreign Policy: The Dynamics of Choice in the 21st Century, http://books.wwnorton.com/books/detail.aspx?ID=4294975953, good for university courses and also my Oct 2013 Coursera MOOC, "21st Century American Foreign Policy".
Bruce Jentleson
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Bruce Jentleson is a professor of Public Policy and Political Science at Duke University, where he served from 2000 to 2005 as Director of the Terry Sanford Institute of Public Policy.
Jentleson is a co-founder of the Bridging the Gap project, promoting greater policy relevance among academics. [1][2] From 2009-11 he was Senior Advisor to the U.S. State Department Policy Planning Director. In 2012 Jentleson served on the Obama 2012 campaign National Security Advisory Steering Committee. He also served as a senior foreign policy advisor to Vice President Al Gore in his 2000 presidential campaign, in the Clinton administration State Department (1993–94), and as a foreign policy aide to Senators Gore (1987–88) and Dave Durenberger (1978–79). He also has served on a number of policy commissions, most recently the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) Working Group co-chaired by Madeleine Albright (2011–13).[3] Prior to coming to Duke, Jentleson was a professor at UC-Davis.
Contents [hide]
1
Education
2
Books
3
References
4
External links
Education[edit]
Jentleson holds a Ph.D. from Cornell University, a Master's degree from the London School of Economics, and a Bachelor's degree from Cornell. [4]
Books[edit]
In addition to numerous articles, Jentleson is the co-author of The End of Arrogance: America in the Global Competition of Ideas. [5]
The fifth edition of his book, American Foreign Policy: The Dynamics of Choice in the 21st Century, was released in 2013. [6]
With Friends Like These. Reagan, Bush, and Saddam. 1982-1990. (1994)
Bruce W. Jentleson
Professor, Duke University
Bruce Jentleson is a professor of public policy and political science at Duke University, where he previously served as Director of the Terry Sanford Institute (now Sanford School) of Public Policy. He is a leading scholar of American foreign policy and has served in a number of U.S. policy and political positions.
He has published numerous books and articles, including American Foreign Policy: The Dynamics of Choice in the 21st Century (Norton 2010) and The End of Arrogance: America in the Global Competition of Ideas (Harvard, 2010), co-authored with Steven Weber. The working title of his forthcoming book is “Profiles in Statesmanship: Seeking a Better World.”
From 2009 to 2011, Mr. Jentleson was a senior advisor to the U.S. State Department Policy Planning Director. He was a member of the National Security Advisory Steering Committee for President Obama’s 2012 re-election campaign. He served as a senior foreign policy advisor to Vice President Al Gore during his 2000 presidential campaign.
From 1993 to 1994, Mr. Jentleson worked in the Clinton Administration’s State Department. He was a foreign policy aide to U.S. senators Al Gore (1987-88) and Dave Durenberger (1978-79). He has also served on a number of policy commissions — including, most recently, the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) Working Group, which is working to strengthen the will of U.S. decisionmakers to respond quickly to threats of genocide, crimes against humanity and other mass atrocities.
He earned a Bachelor’s degree at Cornell University, a Master’s degree at the London School of Economics, and a Ph.D. at Cornell.
Bruce W. Jentleson
Professor of Public Policy and Political Science, Duke University
http://fds.duke.edu/db/Sanford/bwj
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Bruce Jentleson is professor of public policy and political science at Duke University, where he served from 2000–2005 as director of the Terry Sanford Institute of Public Policy. He is the 2015–16 Henry A. Kissinger Chair in Foreign Policy and International Relations at the John W. Kluge Center. Library of Congress, researching his new book, Transformational Statesmanship: Difficult, Possible, Necessary (under contract, W.W. Norton), as well as a Global Fellow of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars. Prior books include American Foreign Policy: The Dynamics of Choice in the 21st Century, a leading university text (W.W. Norton, 5th edition 2013) and The End of Arrogance: America in the Global Competition of Ideas, co-authored with Steven Weber (Harvard University Press, 2010).
His policy experience includes senior advisor to the U.S. State Department Policy Planning Director (2009–2011), a senior foreign policy advisor to Vice President Al Gore and his presidential campaign, in the Clinton administration State Department (1993–94), and a foreign policy aide to Senators Gore (1987–88) and Dave Durenberger (1978–79). He has held research appointments at the Wilson Center, U.S. Institute of Peace, the Brookings Institution, Oxford University, International Institute for Strategic Studies (London), and as a Fulbright senior research scholar in Spain.
Jentleson is a co-founder of the Bridging the Gap Program, supported by the Carnegie Corporation of New York, promoting greater policy relevance among academics. He currently serves on the boards of directors of the Close Up Foundation and the National Security Network. He holds a Ph.D. from Cornell University, a master's from the London School of Economics and Political Science; and a bachelor's degree also from Cornell.
Last Updated: February 8, 2018
Bruce W. Jentleson
Professor in the Sanford School of Public Policy
Professor of Political Science
Faculty Network Member of The Energy Initiative
Areas of Expertise
International RelationsDiplomacyForeign Policy--United StatesGeopolitics--Middle EastGlobal GovernanceGlobalizationGrand Strategy--United StatesHuman RightsHumanitarian AssistanceInternational OrganizationsInternational SecurityPolitics--United States
Education
Ph.D., Cornell University (1983)
M.S., London School of Economics (UK) (1975)
B.A., Cornell University (1973)
BRUCE W. JENTLESON
Bruce Jentleson is Professor of Public Policy and Political Science at Duke University, where he previously served as Director of the Terry Sanford Institute (now Sanford School) of Public Policy. He is a leading scholar of American foreign policy and has served in a number of U.S. policy and political positions. In 2015-16 he is the Henry A. Kissinger Chair in Foreign Policy and International Relations at the John W. Kluge Center, Library of Congress.
Jentleson’s current book is The Peacemakers: Leadership Lessons from 20th Century Statesmanship (April 2018, W.W. Norton). Prior books include American Foreign Policy: The Dynamics of Choice in the 21st Century (5th edition, W.W. Norton, 2013); The End of Arrogance: America in the Global Competition of Ideas, co-authored with Steven Weber (Harvard University Press, 2010); and With Friends Like These: Reagan, Bush and Saddam, 1982-1990 (W.W. Norton, 1994). He also has published articles in numerous journals, academic and policy, and for leading online sites such as ForeignPolicy.com, CFR.com (Council on Foreign Relations), Huffington Post, TheHill.com, Washington Post Monkey Cage, and War on the Rocks.
From 2009-11 he was Senior Advisor to the U.S. State Department Policy Planning Director. In 2012 he served on the Obama 2012 campaign National Security Advisory Steering Committee.
He also served as a senior foreign policy advisor to Vice President Al Gore in his 2000 presidential campaign, in the Clinton administration State Department (1993-94), and as a foreign policy aide to Senators Gore (1987-88) and Dave Durenberger (1978-79). He also has served on a number of policy commissions, most recently the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) Working Group co-chaired by Madeleine Albright (2011-13).
From January-June 2014 he was a Distinguished Scholar at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, and now is a Global Fellow. He also is a Non-Resident Senior Fellow, Chicago Council on Global Affairs. Other research appointments include the Brookings Institution, U.S. Institute of Peace, Oxford University, International Institute for Strategic Studies (London), Australia National University, and as a Fulbright Senior Research Scholar in Spain. He has served as a consultant to the Carnegie Commission for Preventing Deadly Conflict, the National Academy of Sciences, the American Assembly, the Atlantic Council, the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, and the U.S. Institute of Peace. He has lectured internationally, including in Australia, Brazil, Canada, China, England, France, Germany, Greece, Israel, Italy, Jordan, the Netherlands, Qatar, Spain, South Korea, Switzerland and the United Arab Emirates. He is often quoted in the press and has appeared on such shows as the Lehrer News Hour, BBC, Al Jazeera, al Hurra, China Radio International, and NPR.
At Duke, Jentleson is co-chair of the Provost’s Advisory Committee on Online Education, and co-chair of the Committee on Tenure Standards. He also sits on committees for the American Grand Strategy Program and POLIS.
In 2009, Jentleson was the Program Co-Chair for the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association. He is a co-founder of the Bridging the Gap project promoting greater policy relevance among academics. He currently serves on the Board of Directors of the Close Up Foundation and the Board of Trustees of the Carnegie Council on Ethics and International Affairs (Executive Committee), and the Editorial Boards of Political Science Quarterly, Washington Quarterly, Global Responsibility to Protect, and CIAO (Columbia International Affairs Online). He holds a Ph.D. from Cornell University, and was recipient of the American Political Science Association’s Harold D. Lasswell Award for his doctoral dissertation; a Master’s from the London School of Economics and Political Science; and a Bachelor’s degree also from Cornell, including study at the Universidad de los Andes, Bogota, Colombia.
Boards:
Board of Trustees, (Vice-Chair, Executive Committee), Carnegie Council on Ethics and International Affairs, 20012-Present.
Board of Advisors, Israel-America Academic Exchange, 2008-Present.
Board of Directors, Close Up Foundation, 2006-Present.
TRIP (Teaching and Research in International Politics) Survey Advisory Board, 2013-Present.
Chicago Council on Global Affairs, Public Opinion Surveys Advisory Board, 2013-Present.
Bruce W. Jentleson, Professor of Sanford School of Public Policy and Political Science and Faculty Network Member of The Energy Initiative
Office Location: 122 Rubenstein Hall, Box 90312, Durham, NC 27708-0312
Office Phone: (919) 613-9208
Duke Box: 90312
Email Address: bwj7@duke.edu
Web Page: https://sites.duke.edu/bruce7jentleson/
Web Page: http://sanford.duke.edu/people/faculty/jentleson-bruce-w
Note: (On leave, Spring 2014)
Areas of Expertise
International
Conflict Prevention and Peacekeeping
Global Governance
Globalization
International Security
Middle East
U.S. Foreign Policy
United Nations and International Institutions
Education:
Ph.D., Cornell University, 1983
M.S., London School of Economics (UK), 1975
B.A., Cornell University, 1973
Current projects: US Policy in the New Middle East, 21st Century "Big Ideas", Genocide and Mass Atrocities Prevention
Representative Publications (More Publications)
B.W. Jentleson. American Foreign Policy: The Dynamics of Choice in the 21st Century. New York: W.W. Norton and Company, 5th edition forthcoming 2013.
B.W. Jentleson and Steven Weber. The End of Arrogance: America in the Global Competition of Ideas. Harvard University Press, 2010.
Jentleson, BW. "Global Governance in a Copernican World." Global Governance 17 (Summer 2012).
Jentleson, BW. "Accepting Limits: How to Adapt to a Copernican World." Democracy: A Journal of Ideas (Winter, 2012).
Jentleson, BW. "Beware the Duck Test." The Washington Quarterly 34.3 (Summer, 2011): 137-149. [doi]
Jentleson, BW. "The Obama Administration and R2P: Progress, Problems and Prospects." Global Responsibility to Protect Winter 2012-13 (2012).
B.W. Jentleson. "The Bi-Sectoralists." (2011-). Monthly column in Huffington Post, co-authored with Jay Pelosky.
Curriculum Vitae
Highlight:
Bruce Jentleson's current book, The Peacemakers: Leadership Lessons from 20th Century Statesmen is forthcoming in April 2018. He is a Professor of Public Policy and Political Science at Duke University, where he previously served as Director of the Terry Sanford Institute (now Sanford School) of Public Policy. He is a leading scholar of American foreign policy and has served in a number of U.S. policy and political positions. In 2015-16 he was the Henry A. Kissinger Chair in Foreign Policy and International Relations at the John W. Kluge Center, Library of Congress.
Jentleson’s current book is The Peacemakers: Leadership Lessons from 20th Century Statesmen (Forthcoming April 2018, W.W. Norton). Prior books include American Foreign Policy: The Dynamics of Choice in the 21st Century (5th edition, W.W. Norton, 2013); The End of Arrogance: America in the Global Competition of Ideas, co-authored with Steven Weber (Harvard University Press, 2010); and With Friends Like These: Reagan, Bush and Saddam, 1982-1990 (W.W. Norton, 1994). He also has published articles in numerous academic and policy journals and for leading online sites such as ForeignPolicy.com, CFR.com (Council on Foreign Relations), Huffington Post, TheHill.com, and Washington Post Monkey Cage.
From 2009-11 he was senior advisor to the U.S. State Department Policy Planning Director. In 2012 he served on the Obama 2012 campaign National Security Advisory Steering Committee.
He also served as a senior foreign policy advisor to Vice President Al Gore in his 2000 presidential campaign, in the Clinton administration State Department (1993-94), and as a foreign policy aide to Senators Gore (1987-88) and Dave Durenberger (1978-79). He also has served on a number of policy commissions, most recently the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) Working Group co-chaired by Madeleine Albright (2011-13).
From January-June 2014 he was a Distinguished Scholar at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, and now is a Global Fellow. Other research appointments include the Brookings Institution, U.S. Institute of Peace, Oxford University, International Institute for Strategic Studies (London), Australia National University, and as a Fulbright Senior Research Scholar in Spain. He has served as a consultant to the Carnegie Commission for Preventing Deadly Conflict, the National Academy of Sciences, the American Assembly, the Atlantic Council, the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, and the U.S. Institute of Peace.
He has lectured internationally, including in Australia, Brazil, Canada, China, England, France, Germany, Greece, Israel, Italy, Jordan, the Netherlands, Qatar, Spain, South Korea, Switzerland and the United Arab Emirates. He is often quoted in the press and has appeared on such shows as the Lehrer News Hour, BBC, al Hurra, China Radio International, and NPR.
Jentleson is a co-founder of the Bridging the Gap project promoting greater policy relevance among academics. He currently serves on the Boards of Directors of the Close Up Foundation and the National Security Network, Board of Trustees of the Carnegie Council on Ethics and International Affairs, 2017-2017 (Vice-Chair, Executive Committee 2016-17) and the Editorial Boards of Political Science Quarterly, Washington Quarterly, Global Responsibility to Protect, and CIAO (Columbia International Affairs Online). In 2009, he was the program co-chair for the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association.
He holds a Ph.D. from Cornell University, and was recipient of the American Political Science Association’s Harold D. Lasswell Award for his doctoral dissertation; a master's from the London School of Economics and Political Science; and a bachelor’s degree also from Cornell, including study at the Universidad de los Andes, Bogota, Colombia.
Bio/Profile
Bruce Jentleson is Professor of Public Policy and Political Science at Duke University, where he previously served as Director of the Terry Sanford Institute of Public Policy (now the Sanford School of Public Policy). He is a leading scholar of American foreign policy and has served in a number of U.S. policy and political positions. In 2014 he is on leave from Duke as a Distinguished Scholar at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, part of the Smithsonian Institution.
Jentleson has published numerous books including American Foreign Policy: The Dynamics of Choice in the 21st Century (5th edition, W.W. Norton, 2013); The End of Arrogance: America in the Global Competition of Ideas, co-authored with Steven Weber (Harvard University Press, 2010); and With Friends Like These: Reagan, Bush and Saddam, 1982-1990 (W.W. Norton, 1994). His current book (working title) is Profiles in Statesmanship: Seeking a Better World. He also has published articles in numerous academic and policy journals, and written for leading online sites such as ForeignPolicy.com and Huffington Post.
From 2009 to 2011 he was Senior Advisor to the U.S. State Department Policy Planning Director. In 2012 he served on the Obama 2012 campaign National Security Advisory Steering Committee. He also served as a senior foreign policy advisor to Vice President Al Gore in his 2000 presidential campaign, in the Clinton administration State Department (1993-94), and as a foreign policy aide to Senators Gore (1987-88) and Dave Durenberger (1978-79). He also has served on a number of policy commissions, most recently the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) Working Group co-chaired by Madeleine Albright (2011-13).
He has held research appointments at the Brookings Institution, U.S. Institute of Peace, Oxford University, International Institute for Strategic Studies (London), Australia National University, and as a Fulbright Senior Research Scholar in Spain. He has served as a consultant to the Carnegie Commission for Preventing Deadly Conflict, the National Academy of Sciences, the American Assembly, the Atlantic Council, the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, and the U.S. Institute of Peace. He has lectured internationally, including in Australia, Brazil, Canada, China, England, France, Germany, Greece, Israel, Italy, Jordan, the Netherlands, Qatar, Spain, South Korea, Switzerland and the United Arab Emirates. He is often quoted in the press and has appeared on such shows as the Lehrer News Hour, BBC, Al Jazeera, al Hurra, China Radio International, and NPR.
In 2009, Jentleson was the program co-chair for the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association. He is a co-founder of the Bridging the Gap project promoting greater policy relevance among academics. He serves on the boards of directors of the Close Up Foundation and the National Security Network, board of trustees of the Carnegie Council on Ethics and International Affairs, and the editorial boards of Political Science Quarterly, Washington Quarterly, Global Responsibility to Protect, and CIAO (Columbia International Affairs Online).
He holds a Ph.D. from Cornell University, and was recipient of the American Political Science Association’s Harold D. Lasswell Award for his doctoral dissertation. He earned a master’s degree from the London School of Economics and Political Science and a bachelor’s degree from Cornell, including study at the Universidad de los Andes, Bogota, Colombia.
Current Ph.D. Students (Former Students)
Danielle Lupton
Seth Cantey
Christopher Whytock
QUOTE:
With John F. Kennedy's Profiles in Courage as a model, Jentleson offers portraits of 18 transformative leaders who advanced international peace, justice, freedom, and human rights.
informative addition to the burgeoning field of leadership studies.
Jentleson, Bruce W.: THE PEACEMAKERS
Kirkus Reviews. (Feb. 15, 2018):
Copyright: COPYRIGHT 2018 Kirkus Media LLC
http://www.kirkusreviews.com/
Full Text:
Jentleson, Bruce W. THE PEACEMAKERS Norton (Adult Nonfiction) $28.95 4, 24 ISBN: 978-0-393-24956-9
With John F. Kennedy's Profiles in Courage as a model, Jentleson (Public Policy and Political Science/Duke Univ.; American Foreign Policy: The Dynamics of Choice in the 21st Century, 2003, etc.) offers portraits of 18 transformative leaders who advanced international peace, justice, freedom, and human rights.
The author focuses on five significant areas in which these individuals achieved unprecedented change: managing major power rivalries (the United States-China rapprochement and the end of the Cold War), fostering international cooperation, reconciling politics of identity (in South Africa, the Middle East, and Northern Ireland), achieving freedom and human rights (in India, Poland, and Burma), and fostering global sustainability in health and the environment. He acknowledges that some of the individuals certainly have not always been admirable or morally exemplary. Henry Kissinger, for example, is included for his contributions to opening the relationship between the U.S. and China in the early 1970s despite his controversial political roles in other areas. Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi has been condemned internationally for her apparent disregard of brutality against her nation's Rohingya minority. Gandhi had "a peculiar and sometimes troubling attitude toward sex" and treated his wife and children cruelly. But Jentleson makes a persuasive case that his choices have demonstrated "actor indispensability," applied to a leader who "acts significantly differently than another leader in the same situation would have acted." He contrasts Woodrow Wilson's unsuccessful efforts to found a League of Nations--a "prescriptively flawed" plan from an arrogant, racist, and politically clueless leader--with Franklin Roosevelt's considerable "personal capital" and astute political skills that led to the founding of the United Nations. A few of Jentleson's choices may be unfamiliar to most readers: Peter Benenson, for example, a charismatic, energetic British lawyer whose campaign to free two Portuguese political prisoners evolved into Amnesty International; and Gro Harlem Brundtland, three-time prime minister of Norway and director-general of the World Health Organization, whose Brundtland Commission made sustainability a global priority.
An informative addition to the burgeoning field of leadership studies.
Source Citation (MLA 8th Edition)
"Jentleson, Bruce W.: THE PEACEMAKERS." Kirkus Reviews, 15 Feb. 2018. General OneFile, http://link.galegroup.com/apps/doc/A527248087/ITOF?u=schlager&sid=ITOF&xid=9841497e. Accessed 5 June 2018.
Gale Document Number: GALE|A527248087
Encyclopedia of U.S. Foreign Relations
Booklist. 94.3 (Oct. 1, 1997): p353.
Copyright: COPYRIGHT 1997 American Library Association
http://www.ala.org/aboutala/offices/publishing/booklist/
Full Text:
Ed. by Bruce W. Jentleson and Thomas G. Paterson. 1997. bibliog. indexes. maps. Oxford, $450 (0-19-511055-2). DDC: 327.73.
Oxford has published this encyclopedia, which is "prepared under the auspices of the Council on Foreign Relations."The Council, founded in the 1920s, is well known for promoting the study of U.S. foreign affairs. The four volumes contain more than 1,000 articles written primarily by academics. The articles answer the questions identified in the introduction--what, why, where, when, and how. Because foreign relations are interrelated with economic, military, cultural, and political activities, the range of entries reflects this Automotive Companies, Bay of Pigs, CNN, Fur Trade, Loyalists, PanAm Flight 103, Ronald Reagan, Vatican, and, of course, Council on Foreign Relations. All the articles include a short and current bibliography, and there is a classified bibliography in the appendix. A chronology of U.S. foreign relations and tabular data on the 185 countries in the UN are also included in the appendix. The index in the last volume is comprehensive, even indicating charts, maps, and tables.
Encyclopedia of U.S. Foreign Relations updates and expands on the three-volume Encyclopedia of American Foreign Policy (Scribner, 1978) and the one-volume Dictionary of American Diplomatic History [RBB D 15 891. It will be a welcome source in academic and large public libraries.
Source Citation (MLA 8th Edition)
"Encyclopedia of U.S. Foreign Relations." Booklist, 1 Oct. 1997, p. 353. General OneFile, http://link.galegroup.com/apps/doc/A19942215/ITOF?u=schlager&sid=ITOF&xid=76cdc8ea. Accessed 5 June 2018.
Gale Document Number: GALE|A19942215
Encyclopedia of U.S. Foreign Relations, 4 vols
Edward Goedeken
Library Journal. 122.6 (Apr. 1, 1997): p82.
Copyright: COPYRIGHT 1997 Library Journals, LLC. A wholly owned subsidiary of Media Source, Inc. No redistribution permitted.
http://www.libraryjournal.com/
Full Text:
4 vols. Oxford Univ. 1997. 2000p. permanent paper. ed. by Bruce W. Jentleson & Thomas G. Paterson. maps. bibliog. index. LC 96-8159. ISBN 0-19-511055-2. $450. REF
Since the days of Diderot, there has been no end to the making of encyclopedias, and this new one is worth the cost. Produced under the auspices of the Council on Foreign Relations, it differs in presentation and scope from the thematically arranged three-volume Encyclopedia of American Foreign Policy (1978) and is much more extensive than John Findling's shorter but still quite valuable Dictionary of American Diplomatic History (Greenwood, 1989. 2d ed.). The new four-volume set is a treasure-trove of excellent scholarship from well-known historians, political scientists, and assorted academicians affiliated with the study of diplomacy. Wide-ranging in its coverage, with more than 1000 essays varying in length from a few paragraphs to several pages, it is unmatched in its treatment of this dynamic and fast-changing field. The encyclopedia concludes with an extensive chronology of U.S. foreign relations and a country-by-country bibliography of recent writings. An indispensable resource where affordable; for larger libraries, it readily supplements existing works, and for smaller ones it provides all the coverage necessary for most users.
Source Citation (MLA 8th Edition)
Goedeken, Edward. "Encyclopedia of U.S. Foreign Relations, 4 vols." Library Journal, 1 Apr. 1997, p. 82. General OneFile, http://link.galegroup.com/apps/doc/A19360686/ITOF?u=schlager&sid=ITOF&xid=1d27f05e. Accessed 5 June 2018.
Gale Document Number: GALE|A19360686
QUOTE:
After a spate of instant histories on the Persian GulfWar, a carefully researched analytical book has finally appeared. Now one can review both what happened and why, although not all will agree with the tough criticism of the failures of the Reagan and Bush administrations.
With Friends Like These: Reagan, Bush and Saddam, 1982-1990
William B. Quandt
Foreign Affairs. 74.2 (March-April 1995): p161+.
Copyright: COPYRIGHT 1995 Council on Foreign Relations, Inc.
http://www.foreignaffairs.org
Full Text:
BY BRUCE W. JENTLESON. New York. W. W. Norton, 1994, 287 pp. $23.00.
After a spate of instant histories on the Persian GulfWar, a carefully researched analytical book has finally appeared. Now one can review both what happened and why, although not all will agree with the tough criticism of the failures of the Reagan and Bush administrations. The author takes issue with tactical alliances with rogue states--"the enemy of my enemy is my friend"--and warns that the United States should have been much more cautious in its cooperation with Saddam during the 1980S and much more intent on continuing to deter Iraqi power after the Iran-Iraq War was over in 1988. He shows convincingly that Saddam gave ample warning of his aggressive moves against Kuwait, and the United States simply failed to note them. He does not, however stress enough that the anti-Syrian dimension of U.S. policy in the 1980S led some to conclude that Saddam could be a useful ally against Syrian President Hafiz alAssad, not just Iran. Even some Israelis and their supporters adopted this view, and Saddam's hints of moderation on peace with Israel gained him more credit in official circles in Jerusalem and Washington than he deserved. Still, Jentleson misses few of the markers along the road to the invasion and provides a tough but fair assessment of the misconceptions and mistakes that marred American policy. It will be interesting to note if Jentleson, now a member of the Policy Planning Staff at State, is able to put his conclusions to good use. Perhaps his next book will tell.
Source Citation (MLA 8th Edition)
Quandt, William B. "With Friends Like These: Reagan, Bush and Saddam, 1982-1990." Foreign Affairs, Mar.-Apr. 1995, p. 161+. General OneFile, http://link.galegroup.com/apps/doc/A16716226/ITOF?u=schlager&sid=ITOF&xid=7692e7dd. Accessed 5 June 2018.
Gale Document Number: GALE|A16716226
QUOTE:
With Friends Like These offers a solid account of numerous blunders made by both the Reagan and Bush administrations regarding Iraq. But Jentleson wants to provide more than a good historical account. He argues that Reagan and Bush should have recognized from the beginning that their policy toward Iraq was going to fail
With Friends Like These
Charles William Maynes
Washington Monthly. 27.1-2 (January-February 1995): p53+.
Copyright: COPYRIGHT 1995 Washington Monthly Company
http://www.washingtonmonthly.com/
Full Text:
During the 1992 presidential campaign the conventional wisdom had George Bush, war hero and statesman, enjoying a decisive foreign policy advantage over foreign policy neophyte Bill Clinton. But it was Bush who nursed an Achilles heel: his policy toward Iraq.
Under Bush's leadership, the United States embarked on a concerted campaign to convert Iraq from a "terrorist" state into a cooperative partner. The campaign involved the sale of "dualuse" technology, which the Iraqis used to build up their military machine; massive credits to subsidize American food exports to Iraq; and quiet support for the decision of others, especially America's European allies, to sell Iraq not only huge amounts of conventional weapons but materials that Iraq used to build atomic, biological, and chemical weapons as well.
The Gulf War exposed this policy of attempted co-optation as a spectacular failure, and Bruce W. Jentleson, then an academic from the University of California at Davis, helped Democratic Vice Presidential candidate Al Gore develop a savage attack on the Bush record in a major campaign speech on September 29, 1992. That speech sullied the Bush record in foreign policy and planted doubt in the minds of voters that Bush was the master of foreign policy he claimed to be. So U.S. policy failures toward Iraq may not only have helped bring on a war but also elect a new president.
Now Jentleson has expanded his earlier research into a major study of U.S. policy toward Iraq in the period 1982-90. With Friends Like These offers a solid account of numerous blunders made by both the Reagan and Bush administrations regarding Iraq. But Jentleson wants to provide more than a good historical account. He argues that Reagan and Bush should have recognized from the beginning that their policy toward Iraq was going to fail; in explaining this, Jentleson believes he has arrived at a set of guidelines for dealing with so-called "rogue states" like Iraq or Iran--reciprocity, proportionality, and deterrent credibility--that could be as important as containment was for dealing with the former Soviet Union. Jentleson is right about the policy disaster, but it is less clear that his vision for the future is workable.
First, some history. As former Secretary of State Lawrence Eagleburger has sardonically commented, it is always hard to defend a policy that has failed. Certainly the Reagan and Bush administrations took a risk in dealing with Iraq the way they did, but do the roots of the failure lie solely in the inability of the Bush administration to spot evidence of Iraqi perfidy--the surreptitious effort to acquire nuclear arms, the continued support for terrorist groups, or even the speeches of key Iraqi leaders--or were there deeper causes at work?
In his 1984 presidential campaign, Gary Hart pointed out that unless the United States had a credible national energy program, the country would remain dependent on oil from the Persian Gulf, a highly unstable part of the world. It was much cheaper, Hart suggested, to develop such a program than to bear the military costs of becoming the gendarme of the Persian Gulf. One way to view the story of U.S. policy toward Iraq under Reagan and Bush is that it represents yet another American attempt todeny the logic of Hart's case by looking for a local surrogate through whom the U.S. could attain oil stability on the cheap.
The first candidate to fulfill this American wish was Iran under the Shah. In May 1972, Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger opened America's arsenals to the Shah for all but nuclear weapons. They also agreed to the Shah's request for covert aid to help the Kurds revolt against the Iraqi government. The rise of the Ayatollah in the late seventies, of course, brought to an end the illusion of Iran as the defender of America's Persian Gulf interests.
With Iran out of the picture, the next candidate for the surrogate role was Iraq. A friendly Iraq would lower the costs of maintaining stability in the Gulf area and, just as important, would contribute to the peace process because a friendlier Iraq would help end Egypt's isolation in the Arab world. In all likelihood, this was the real logic behind the U.S. strategy, not simply a naive belief in Saddam's intentions.
That the U.S. needs such a surrogate is shown by current U.S. efforts, thus far unsuccessful, to persuade Saudi Arabia to allow the U.S. to base enough tanks and planes on Saudi soil to support a brigade of troops. Obviously, such an arrangement is much less desirable than a surrogate able to assume a larger military role for itself; but unless the U.S. has a clear base of support in the area, its commitment to the Gulf will remain vulnerable. The otherwise crazy twists and turns of U.S. policy in the Gulf under several administrations can be understood in this light.
Why didn't the policy toward Iraq work? Jentleson believes that the sole reason was Saddam's duplicity, which he documents in detail. But there may be other reasons as well.
One could have been that the United States did not sufficiently understand the position Iraq was in after its eight-year stalemate with Iran. Almost in passing, Jentleson points out the astonishing fact that in 1988 Iraqi oil revenues were only $11 billion--roughly half their pre-war level, without taking inflation into account; at that point, Iraq was not earning enough to service the war debt it had incurred, yet it faced massive social and economic costs in rebuilding a society ravaged by the war with Iran. One important reason for its plight, of course, was that Kuwait was producing more than twice its OPEC quota.
Jentleson believes that Iraq could have solved its problem by demobilizing. Certainly, it is hard to argue that Iraq needed all the military power it had mustered, but with Iran and Syria on its borders, it is also hard to believe that any Iraqi government could have demobilized enough to resolve the very difficult financial situation in which the country found itself. The way to have prevented the war that began with Saddam's invasion of Kuwait, in other words, may have been a major debt-relief package, together with some demobilization.
Another reason for the U.S. failure may have been a set of U.S. policies that made it almost impossible for Washington to succeed in its effort to lure Iraq into a pro-American stance. Perhaps the Iraqi leadership was irredeemable from the start, but Americans should not forget that over the years their government took a number of steps that would have made any foreign government suspicious, particularly one as paranoid as that of Saddam Hussein. These measures range from possible encouragement of Iraq to invade Iran (according to the top National Security Council official dealing with Gulf matters at the time) to the authorization of Israel to sell billions of dollars of arms to Iran when Iraq's back was against the wall. These sales may have denied Iraq victory.
What about Jentleson's larger effort to develop a containment policy for socalled "rogue states"? Unfortunately, it is hard to argue that Jentleson has found the Rosetta Stone. His first principle, reciprocity, is in the eyes of the beholder. U.S. officials undoubtedly believed that Baghdad was making concessions of considerable importance, and they were not alone. Such diligent observers of the Middle East as the editors of The New Republic published, in the mid-eighties, an article praising Iraq as "the de facto protector of the regional status quo." Laurie Mylroie, an academic who now regularly publishes opinion pieces urging harsh measures against Iraq, argued in 1988 that Saddam was "a popular leader...young, energetic, alert to the needs of his people." Such observers were not entirely wrong in their assessments. Saddam did deliver on several issues of critical importance to U.S. policymakers: In particular, he reestablished diplomatic relations with Egypt and provided key sponsorship for getting Egypt invited in May 1989 to its first Arab League summit since Camp David, an absolutely critical step if the peace process were to continue.
Jentleson's second principle, proportionality--that one country should, for every concession it makes, receive something equal in return--is also open to different interpretations. Whether one sort of concession is worth another will be forever open to dispute.
Jentleson's final guideline--credible deterrence--is perhaps the most useful of the three he advances. Few will argue that the U.S. would not have been better off warning Saddam before he moved into Kuwait that the United States was prepared to go to war if he took such a step. But here, too, the scope of Jentleson's conceptual contribution is limited. America's problem with most rogue states is not that they are aggressive; it is that they exist at all. Cuba is not threatening its neighbors with military attack. One can argue that it never did. Libya and the Sudan are not threatening Egypt militarily. Nor is Iran threatening an invasion of its neighbors. America's problems with these states is that they offer an example of radical defiance and, by their very existence, encourage and sometimes help groups and individuals we do not like. Jentleson has no answer for that problem.
It may be that there is no answer other than controlled isolation. Like a child in the middle of a temper tantrum, Iran or North Korea must calm down before others can develop a normal relationship with them. Helping to calm them down would be a policy to leave them alone. Like a child that comes out of her room voluntarily after others cease pleading with her to unlock the door, these states are more likely to be contained by studied indifference than by hostile encouragement.
Source Citation (MLA 8th Edition)
Maynes, Charles William. "With Friends Like These." Washington Monthly, Jan.-Feb. 1995, p. 53+. General OneFile, http://link.galegroup.com/apps/doc/A16218441/ITOF?u=schlager&sid=ITOF&xid=cfd75f36. Accessed 5 June 2018.
Gale Document Number: GALE|A16218441
QUOTE:
Jentleson's scholarly study charges that Washington's policy toward Baghdad from 1982 was flawed in conception and execution.
With Friends Like These: Reagan, Bush, and Saddam, 1982-1990
Publishers Weekly. 241.32 (Aug. 8, 1994): p408+.
Copyright: COPYRIGHT 1994 PWxyz, LLC
http://www.publishersweekly.com/
Full Text:
WITH FRIENDS LIKE THESE:
Reagan, Bush, and Saddam, 1982-1990
Bruce W. Jentleson. Norton, $23 (220p) ISBN 0-393-03665-0
Based on interviews and official documents, Jentleson's scholarly study charges that Washington's policy toward Baghdad from 1982 was flawed in conception and execution. He argues that Desert Storm was a direct consequence of the failure of U.S. policy as pursued by the Reagan and Bush administrations. In its attempt to tilt the balance of power against Iran with an alliance of convenience with Iraq, Washington naively expected the Iraqis to cease fomenting terrorism, become a force for regional stability and play a role in an Arab-Israeli peace settlement. Instead, Saddam Hussein increased his support of terrorism, threatened to incinerate Israel, used chemical weapons against Iranians and Kurds and tried to build an arsenal that included nuclear weapons and ballistic missiles. The Bush administration continued to ignore warnings of Saddam's escalating bellicosity until August 2, 1990, when he invaded Kuwait. Jentleson teaches political science at UC-Davis. (Oct.)
Source Citation (MLA 8th Edition)
"With Friends Like These: Reagan, Bush, and Saddam, 1982-1990." Publishers Weekly, 8 Aug. 1994, p. 408+. General OneFile, http://link.galegroup.com/apps/doc/A15666011/ITOF?u=schlager&sid=ITOF&xid=ea45750d. Accessed 5 June 2018.
Gale Document Number: GALE|A15666011
QUOTE:
Jentleson offers a sober, thorough, persuasive, and yet highly partisan critique of American policy toward Iraq in the decade preceding the Persian Gulf War. He contends that a flawed policy of seeking friendship with Saddam Hussein against Iran led Presidents Ronald Reagan and George Bush into an unwise policy that culminated in the 1990 invasion of Kuwait.
With Friends Like These: Reagan, Bush, and Saddam, 1982-1990
Robert A. Divine
Political Science Quarterly. 110.2 (Summer 1995): p308+.
Copyright: COPYRIGHT 1995 Academy of Political Science
http://www.psqonline.org/History.cfm
Full Text:
Bruce Jentleson offers a sober, thorough, persuasive, and yet highly partisan critique of American policy toward Iraq in the decade preceding the Persian Gulf War. He contends that a flawed policy of seeking friendship with Saddam Hussein against Iran led Presidents Ronald Reagan and George Bush into an unwise policy that culminated in the 1990 invasion of Kuwait.
Jentleson is most convincing in his criticism of the way Republican policy makers assumed that because Iraq was the enemy of Iran it was automatically the friend of the United States. This untested assumption was the basis for many of the mistakes he documents - the granting of extensive credits to underwrite the sale of American agricultural goods to Iraq (some of which were diverted to finance Iraqi weapons purchases); a lax policy of issuing licenses for high technology exports, which contributed to Saddam's nuclear program; and a conspicuous refusal to condemn Iraq's contempt for human rights - most notably, Saddam's use of poison gas against the Kurds. Perhaps if Iraq had proved to be a reliable counterweight to Iran, these concessions could have been written off as part of the price that had to be paid for achieving order and stability in the vital Persian Gulf region.
The heart of Jentleson's argument and its most controversial aspect is his contention that in fact this soft policy toward Iraq led directly to Saddam's invasion of Kuwait in August 1990. While he is careful to admit that other factors entered into the calculus, he nonetheless contends that American policy was "a key factor" (p. 19) in Saddam's decision. First, he argues that in the summer of 1990, the Bush administration failed to make it clear to Saddam that the United States would use force if necessary to defend Kuwait against an Iraqi invasion. Even more crucial, he claims, was the long record of American concessions to Iraq under both Reagan and Bush. Saddam became convinced that the United States would not take effective action to halt his aggression against Kuwait.
It is at this point that Jentleson's partisan instincts overcome his scholarship. As a former aide to Senator Albert Gore, a speechwriter for vice-presidential candidate Gore in the 1992 campaign (in which he drafted a speech for Gore laying out the essential argument developed in this book), and a State Department official in the Carter administration, Jentleson is clearly biased. It is one thing to argue that the Reagan-Bush policy failed; it is another to claim that it misled Saddam into believing that he could invade Kuwait. Such an argument, in the best tradition of American ethnocentrism, places U.S. foreign policy at the center of all international events and makes the actors, including Saddam Hussein, puppets whose actions are determined by decisions made in Washington. FDR, not Japanese warlords, is responsible for Pearl Harbor by cutting off oil to Japan; Dean Acheson, not Kim Il Sung, bears the blame for the Korean War by failing to include South Korea within the American defense perimeter.
Jentleson takes a solid argument - that a naive American policy that culminated in the invasion of Kuwait was a clear failure - and elevates it into a partisan charge that Reagan and Bush were responsible for the Persian Gulf War. In his concluding section on the lessons of his case study for the future of American foreign policy, he neglects one key aspect the danger in mixing scholarship with partisan politics.
ROBERT A. DIVINE University of Texas at Austin
Source Citation (MLA 8th Edition)
Divine, Robert A. "With Friends Like These: Reagan, Bush, and Saddam, 1982-1990." Political Science Quarterly, vol. 110, no. 2, 1995, p. 308+. General OneFile, http://link.galegroup.com/apps/doc/A17384599/ITOF?u=schlager&sid=ITOF&xid=85f642cf. Accessed 5 June 2018.
Gale Document Number: GALE|A17384599
American foreign policy; the dynamics of choice in the 21st century, 5th ed
Reference & Research Book News. 28.5 (Oct. 2013):
Copyright: COPYRIGHT 2013 Ringgold, Inc.
http://www.ringgold.com/
Full Text:
9780393919431
American foreign policy; the dynamics of choice in the 21st century, 5th ed.
Jentleson, Bruce W.
W.W. Norton
2014
739 pages
$67.50
E840
This primary text for a course in American foreign policy examines key issues of foreign policy strategy that serves US national interests, and also explores key questions of foreign policy politics, describing the roles of institutions and actors within the American political system. Chapters are grouped in sections on strategic, domestic, historical, and Cold War contexts of US foreign policy, and American foreign policy in world regions in the 21st century. The book includes a total of 37 readings; some are by policymakers and world leaders, such as Henry Kissinger and George W. Bush, while others present legislation or represent the positions of major organizations such as the World Bank. Each reading is keyed to a specific chapter. The two-color layout offers boxed readings, maps, and an extensive glossary. This fifth edition incorporates new material on events and trends such as the Arab Spring and Obama's foreign policy in his second term. Jentleson teaches political science at Duke University.
([c] Book News, Inc., Portland, OR)
Source Citation (MLA 8th Edition)
"American foreign policy; the dynamics of choice in the 21st century, 5th ed." Reference & Research Book News, Oct. 2013. General OneFile, http://link.galegroup.com/apps/doc/A344583098/ITOF?u=schlager&sid=ITOF&xid=08ecc936. Accessed 5 June 2018.
Gale Document Number: GALE|A344583098
QUOTE:
The End of Arrogance makes an important contribution to a daunting intellectual endeavor, above all by making its thoughtful claims in a measured, deliberate way that invites productive dialogue.
MICHAEL H. HUNT
The End of Arrogance: America in the Global Competition of Ideas
Michael H. Hunt
Political Science Quarterly. 126.3 (Fall 2011): p505+.
Copyright: COPYRIGHT 2011 Academy of Political Science
http://www.psqonline.org/History.cfm
Full Text:
The End of Arrogance: America in the Global Competition of Ideas by Steven Weber and Bruce W. Jentleson. Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Press, 2010. 210 pp. $22.95.
This plain-spoken extended essay is haunted by the prospect that the much- vaunted "indispensable nation" is becoming irrelevant. Any renovation of the U.S. position, the authors argue, must start from the premise that "ideas matter" (p. ix). What is ultimately needed is a fresh "world order leadership proposition" that can guide policymakers as they seek to shore up the country's global influence. The defining features of this new approach include, notably, a genuine mutuality in U.S. relations with the multiplying numbers of international players (including non-governmental organizations); a notion of social justice, with emphasis on actual human welfare in place of the fixation with formal electoral processes; and a serious engagement with mounting environmental, epidemiological, and other stresses on international society. A policy aligned with these principles holds the best hope for preserving some of the authority and legitimacy now rapidly draining from U.S. relations with the rest of the world.
Two basic points in this stimulating account seem especially compelling. One is the claim that U.S. foreign policy suffers from conceptual disarray because the policy establishment is living in the past. Its abiding nostalgia for the imagined glory days of early Cold War dominance helps perpetuate a hostile, outdated response to new regional powers and steers attention away from mounting trans-national problems. No less important is the stress here on the very magnitude of the global transformation that Americans need to come to terms with. A piecemeal, ad hoc adjustment is likely to be muddled and ultimately to fail to resolve today's conceptual crisis. Only a systematic rethinking of the U.S. position will do the job.
An argument premised on the importance of ideas might have been more compelling had it framed ideology in broader, historical terms. The authors adopt a foreshortened view of the problem now before us that reflects the continuing grip within their political science discipline of the old isolationist-internationalist conception of U.S. foreign relations. This Cold War-era construct has long since fallen from favor with most diplomatic historians. When the authors claim that the United States suddenly shifted from "insulation to hegemony" (p. 26) in the 1940s, they turn their backs on the insights that might flow from a look at the policy past. They miss how prominently the promises and challenges of globalization figured in the thinking of U.S. leaders from the late nineteenth century onward. They also miss the much-studied ideological battles that have repeatedly helped define U.S. policy. The connection between earlier domestic debates and international initiatives would be instructive to anyone interested in how the country might negotiate our current policy difficulties.
Taking pre-Cold War history seriously would also highlight the role of nationalism. It has been the denominator in this country's recurrent ideological battles, and reflecting on its critical role would prompt some hard questions about resolving today's conceptual crisis. If policy reflects what policymakers prefer rather than what the electorate widely believes, then how confident can the authors be about the acceptance and survival of their new approach? What hope is there for a policy that may be out of tune with prevailing political visions, cultural assumptions, and social patterns? And how safe is it to presume that other peoples, who imagine themselves and, by extension, their relationship to the broader world in their own distinctly nationalist fashion, will find compelling a leadership proposition with a distinctly U.S. spin?
The End of Arrogance makes an important contribution to a daunting intellectual endeavor, above all by making its thoughtful claims in a measured, deliberate way that invites productive dialogue.
MICHAEL H. HUNT
University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill
Hunt, Michael H.
Source Citation (MLA 8th Edition)
Hunt, Michael H. "The End of Arrogance: America in the Global Competition of Ideas." Political Science Quarterly, vol. 126, no. 3, 2011, p. 505+. General OneFile, http://link.galegroup.com/apps/doc/A270730580/ITOF?u=schlager&sid=ITOF&xid=d5be114a. Accessed 5 June 2018.
Gale Document Number: GALE|A270730580
The end of arrogance; America in the global competition of ideas
Reference & Research Book News. 25.4 (Nov. 2010):
Copyright: COPYRIGHT 2010 Ringgold, Inc.
http://www.ringgold.com/
Full Text:
9780674058187
The end of arrogance; America in the global competition of ideas.
Weber, Steven and Bruce W. Jentleson.
Harvard University Press
2010
210 pages
$22.95
Hardcover
HD5706
Weber (political science, U. of California at Berkeley) and Jentleson (public policy and political science, Duke U.) call for an end to American arrogance in the conduct of its foreign policy and what they see as a corresponding and contingent goal of increasing American influence. They argue that the end of arrogance would entail a forward-looking perspective that recognizes the following: mutuality in world affairs and that the US should not try to dictate the rules, that the legitimacy of institutions in many global settings depends on meeting human needs as much or more than on formal processes, and a reinvigoration of purpose over power in addressing American and global needs. Over the course of the work they elaborate on these core ideas in more detail concerning primarily long range, rather than short term, issues of foreign policy.
([c]2010 Book News, Inc., Portland, OR)
Source Citation (MLA 8th Edition)
"The end of arrogance; America in the global competition of ideas." Reference & Research Book News, Nov. 2010. General OneFile, http://link.galegroup.com/apps/doc/A241135653/ITOF?u=schlager&sid=ITOF&xid=6ea0ed25. Accessed 5 June 2018.
Gale Document Number: GALE|A241135653
American foreign policy; the dynamics of choice in the 21st century, 4th ed
Reference & Research Book News. 25.4 (Nov. 2010):
Copyright: COPYRIGHT 2010 Ringgold, Inc.
http://www.ringgold.com/
Full Text:
9780393933574
American foreign policy; the dynamics of choice in the 21st century, 4th ed.
Jentleson, Bruce W.
W.W. Norton
2010
719 pages
$57.00
Paperback
E840
Following an introduction that lays out his "4Ps" framework of national interest: power, peace, prosperity, and principles, Jentleson (public policy and political science, Duke U.) treats American foreign policy in the current period of transition. From a multi- integrative approach that bridges foreign policy and domestic process and theory and practice, he explains foreign policy's strategic, domestic, historical, and Cold War contexts, and challenges and choices that the US faces in the 21st century. The two sections include short readings by major policymakers/analysts. The text features maps, summary tables, and a glossary. Previous editions were published in 2007, 2004, and 2000.
([c]2010 Book News, Inc., Portland, OR)
Source Citation (MLA 8th Edition)
"American foreign policy; the dynamics of choice in the 21st century, 4th ed." Reference & Research Book News, Nov. 2010. General OneFile, http://link.galegroup.com/apps/doc/A241136215/ITOF?u=schlager&sid=ITOF&xid=2b32fe30. Accessed 5 June 2018.
Gale Document Number: GALE|A241136215
QUOTE:
Concrete historical narratives breathe life into what could have been dry and abstract political science. Readers interested in world history, world leaders, and how history's lessons instruct future peacemaking will find this work compelling.
By: Jones, Mark. Library Journal. 3/1/2018, Vol. 143 Issue 4, p95-95. 1/6p.
Subjects: STATESMEN; NONFICTION; PEACEMAKERS: Leadership Lessons from 20th-Century Statesmanship (Book); JENTLESON, Bruce W.
The Peacemakers: Leadership Lessons from Twentieth-Century Statesmanship
Section:
reviews: books
Jentleson, Bruce W. The Peacemakers: Leadership Lessons from Twentieth-Century Statesmanship. Norton. Apr. 2018. 416p. notes. index. ISBN 9780393249569. $28.95; ebk. ISBN 9780393249576. POL SCI
Men and a few women moved history and were peacemakers in the 20th century, according to American foreign policy advisor Jentleson (public policy & political science, Duke Univ.), who argues that statesmanship does count in making history. To illustrate this, the author identifies world figures he believes made significant breakthroughs for world peace. He analyzes this wide variety of well-known leaders (e.g., Henry Kissinger, Mikhail Gorbachev) as well as lesserknown ones (e.g., Dag Hammarskjöld, Gro Harlem Brundtland) to explore the lessons of their peacemaking, and ultimately finds hope for the intractable problems of the 21st century. However, the author is not blind to the personal and professional faults and failures of these leaders. In addition, this book offers a whirlwind review of significant 20th-century and early 21stcentury world history. VERDICT Concrete historical narratives breathe life into what could have been dry and abstract political science. Readers interested in world history, world leaders, and how history's lessons instruct future peacemaking will find this work compelling.
QUOTE:
Jentleson reminds readers that leaders do matter
None of the leaders he profiles was without flaws, but each found a moment when his or her charisma, wit, or rugged determination helped move history forward.
Capsule Review
May/June 2018 Issue
United StatesPolitics & Society
The Peacemakers: Leadership Lessons From Twentieth-Century Statesmanship
by Bruce W. Jentleson
Reviewed by G. John Ikenberry
“Great man” accounts of history have long been out of favor with scholars of international relations. But Jentleson reminds readers that leaders do matter. He looks across the twentieth century to identify 15 “transformational” people who bent the flow of politics in the direction of peace and reconciliation. They include the U.S. diplomat Henry Kissinger and the Chinese leader Zhou Enlai (for their roles in the United States’ opening to China), U.S. Presidents Woodrow Wilson and Franklin Roosevelt (for their work building international institutions), and Mahatma Gandhi, Lech Walesa, and Aung San Suu Kyi (for their efforts to advance freedom and protect human rights). Jentleson observes that there is no single recipe for good political leadership, but many of the figures had some common traits, including “personal capital” (derived from strong bonds with a community and a reputation for personal courage or moral conviction), an abundance of political skill, and the ability to use the right combination of carrots and sticks to enlarge the space for compromise. None of the leaders he profiles was without flaws, but each found a moment when his or her charisma, wit, or rugged determination helped move history forward.
QUOTE:
Acknowledging that no country has a monopoly on good ideas, the book makes a good case that the United States needs to recast the way it talks about its role in the world.
The End of Arrogance: America in the Global Competition of Ideas
by Steven Weber,Bruce W. Jentleson
Reviewed by G. John Ikenberry
It is a widely held view that the American-centered international order that dominated the last half century is giving way to something new. But while few dispute that countries such as China, India, and Brazil will wield more power in the coming decades, it is less clear what they will do with their power. In this little book, two leading scholars offer a manifesto for U.S. leadership in a post-Western international system. Their major claim is that the era of U.S. ideological dominance is over. The world no longer gravitates to American-style ideas about the virtues of free markets, democracy, and hegemony. Power is diffusing not just to other states but to young people and social groups increasingly connected within an electronic global village. In this new setting, Weber and Jentleson argue, the “competition for ideas” is rapidly growing. To exercise leadership, the United States will need to fashion more appealing ideas about order and justice. The principle of “mutuality,” the authors suggest, might best guide the reform of global institutions in a way that draws all states into a more balanced and shared system of global governance. Acknowledging that no country has a monopoly on good ideas, the book makes a good case that the United States needs to recast the way it talks about its role in the world. But it gives little attention to what non-Americans and non-Westerners actually think about the organization of the global system. The “basic questions of world politics are now open for debate,” Weber and Jentleson contend, but the grand alternative still remains unclear.
In This Review
The End of Arrogance: America in the Global Competition of Ideas
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QUOTE:
Though their message is far from new, it's extremely well articulated.
The End of Arrogance: America in the Global Competition of Ideas
Steven Weber and Bruce W. Jentleson, Harvard Univ., $22.95 (224p) ISBN 978-0674058187
MORE BY AND ABOUT THIS AUTHOR
In this concise book, Weber, a professor at Berkeley, and Jentleson, a professor at Duke, identify "five big ideas" that dominated international politics in the 20th century: peace is better than war; benign hegemony is better than a balance of power; capitalism is better than socialism; democracy is better than dictatorship; and western culture is superior to other cultures. The authors argue that for much of the world a repressive government that achieves economic progress (as is the case in Singapore, for instance) is preferable to a democratic government that fails to improve living standards; this shift, the authors argue, needs to be understood by the American people in order for the U.S. to successfully transition from lone superpower to savvy and influential player. Though their message is far from new, it's extremely well articulated. Yet finding an audience for this book may be a challenge; it's too simplistic for foreign policy wonks and too sophisticated to find a home on Main Street. (Sept.)