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WORK TITLE: Iran
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BIRTHDATE: 11/14/1947
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NATIONALITY: Iranian
Iranian-American; Phone: 203-432-1368
RESEARCHER NOTES:
PERSONAL
Born November 14, 1947; son of Mousa and Besharat Khavari Amanat; married Maryam Sanjabi (an educator).
EDUCATION:University of Tehran, B.A., 1971; Oxford University, D.Phil., 1981.
ADDRESS
CAREER
Oxford University, Oxford, England, fellow of St. Catherine’s College, 1981-82; State University of New York at Stony Brook, faculty in Program of Religious Studies, 1982-83; Yale University, New Haven, CT, assistant professor, beginning 1983, William Graham Sumner Professor of History and director of Yale Program in Iranian Studies, 2018–, chair of Council on Middle East Studies, 1993-2004. Encyclopedia Iranica, member of board of directors.
AWARDS:Mellon-Sawyer grant, 1998-2001; Carnegie scholar of Islamic studies, 2005-07.
WRITINGS
Contributor to Encyclopedia Iranica. Contributor to scholarly journals. Iranian Studies, editor in chief, 1991-98, special issue editor, 2016.
SIDELIGHTS
Abbas Amanat is a highly respected scholar of Iranian history and the religious movements that shaped the transformation of the Persian Empire into the modern Islamic Republic of Iran. Amanat graduated from the University of Tehran in 1971 and earned his doctorate from Oxford University ten years later. Those years framed a decade of overwhelming upheaval in his homeland, amid changes that would reverberate around the globe.
In 1979 the victorious Iranian Revolution deposed Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi and replaced 2,500 years of continuous monarchy with the Islamic Republic of Iran under the leadership of the conservative Shi’a Muslim Ayatollah Khomeini. The resulting enmity between the Islamic regime and the United States, which had strongly supported the shah, left a new generation of Americans unschooled in the history and culture of one of the world’s oldest civilizations. In 1983 Amanat joined the faculty of Yale University, where he later became chair of the Council on Middle Eastern Studies and director of the Yale Program in Iranian Studies.
Amanat has devoted much of his attention to the reign of Nasir al-Din Shah, the period from 1848 to 1896, but his expertise extends to the history of competing religious philosophies, the interplay between governing forces of church and state, and the changing perception of Iranian identity both within and outside national borders. These are weighty and complicated matters, and Amanat’s books are directed, out of necessity, toward a scholarly audience of specialists. He has written about the emergence of the Bábí movement in Iran and the birth of the Bahá’í faith, apocalyptic Islam and messianic Islam, Iranian Shi’ism, and Islamic law in the contemporary context of sharia, among other topics.
Imagining the End and Pivot of the Universe
Amanat has published several works on apocalyptic Islam, messianic Islam, and Iranian Shi’ism, including Imagining the End: Visions of Apocalypse from Ancient Middle East to Modern America. In Resurrection and Renewal: The Making of the Bábí Movement in Iran, 1844-1850, he links messianic movements to the renewal and reform of established religions that had outlived their relevance. The Bábí believed that God would send a prophet to restore a true religion on earth in preparation for the end of the world, and that their founder, the Báb, was the symbolic incarnation of that prophet, the Imam Mahdi. The Bábí movement lasted for only a few years, but it spread throughout the Middle East and beyond as the Bahá’í faith, which promotes the unity and equality of all people. Shi’a Muslims believe that the Imam Mahdi will emerge to save a world in crisis. In Apocalyptic Islam and Iranian Shi’ism, Amanat discusses multiple apocalyptic movements and their reemergence during the years of the Iranian Revolution.
The Bábí movement reached its zenith early in the reign of Nasir al-Din Shah Qajar. Amanat is regarded as a preeminent authority on Qajar Iran. Pivot of the Universe: Nasir al-Din Shah and the Iranian Monarchy, 1831-1896 is a biography of the man who reigned from 1848 to 1896, a period of transition for a traditional monarchy facing the intrusion of modern values. He came to power at the age of seventeen and ruled until his assassination in 1896 at the age of sixty-five. Amanat paints him as “a neglected child who grew up to be a spoilt but often frustrated adult,” wrote Michael Cook in the Journal of Interdisciplinary History. The Qajar shah was destined to span the gap between a medieval empire and a modern monarchy. Todd Lawson explained in the Canadian Journal of History that “Nasir al-Din worked with and against the formidable religious elements” competing for power in nineteenth-century Iran, including the Bábí movement. Michel M. Mazzaoui observed in the Historian that the strength of Amanat’s discourse is his combination of “exquisite historical narrative and accomplished … interpretive analysis.” Cook found Pivot of the Universe to be “particularly successful in its well-illustrated depiction of the bizarre mixture of medieval Iran and contemporary Europe that came to characterize the life of the Qajar court.” He concluded that “anyone attempting a comparative analysis of European influence on nineteenth-century non-Western court cultures will find this volume a rewarding place to start.”
Iran
Iran: A Modern History covers 500 years of history in 1,000 pages. Amanat reaches back to the Safavid Empire of the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries in his analysis of the factors that led to the creation of the Islamic Republic of Iran in 1979. He discusses factors that protected the insularity of the Persian Empire for centuries, from simple geography to its cherished traditions in literature, language, and culture. Amanat profiles key figures from the Qajar era of the mid-nineteenth century, when tentative steps were taken to adopt selected Western technology. He examines the constitutional revolution of 1905, which ushered in the age of the Pahlavi monarchy, the nationalization of the oil industry, and the encroachment of Western values upon centuries of tradition.
For nearly 500 years, the predecessors to the current nation of Iran maintained a political separation of church and state. Shi’ism had little place in affairs of state, existing only to teach, preach, and punish spiritual transgressions. Amanat delves into the tensions among religious factions that diluted a strong bid for power in the political arena, not least the conviction among some Shi’a Muslims that political activity of the clergy was tantamount to heresy. The growing threat of westernization to the hegemony of shari’a law in the private sphere galvanized the Islamic Revolution of 1979 at the same time that it “crushed the clergy’s centuries-old independence from the state,” observed a reviewer in the Economist.
Amanat leaves various questions unanswered, including the ultimate fate of the Iranian clergy in the wake of the violence and brutality spawned under their direction after the 1979 revolution. He ends his study with the election of 2009 and the return of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. A commentator in Kirkus Reviews described Iran as “a bit textbook-ish, but unquestionably comprehensive and accessible enough for dedicated general readers. The Economist reviewer described it as an “illuminating” volume that “should be read by anyone who is curious about the history of political philosophy and ideas.”
BIOCRIT
PERIODICALS
Canadian Journal of History, April, 1998, Todd Lawson, review of Pivot of the Universe: Nasir al-Din Shah Oajar and the Iranian Monarchy, 1831-1896, p. 137.
Choice, June, 2012, D.J. Timothy, review of Is There a Middle East? The Evolution of a Geopolitical Concept, p. 1947.
Economist, U.S. edition, November 18, 2017, review of Iran: A Modern History, p. 72.
Historian, spring, 1999, Michel M. Mazzaoui, review of Pivot of the Universe, p. 649.
Iran Times International (Washington, DC), August 30, 2013, Lior Sternfeld, review of Iran Facing Others: Identity Boundaries in a Historical Perspective, p. 7.
Journal of Interdisciplinary History, winter, 1998, Michael Cook, review of Pivot of the Universe, p. 504.
Journal of World History, September, 2013, Karen Culcasi, review of Is There a Middle East?, p. 710.
Kirkus Reviews, September 15, 2017, review of Iran.
Reference & Research Book News, February, 2008, review of Shari’a: Islamic Law in the Contemporary Context; August, 2010, review of Apocalyptic Islam and Iranian Shi’ism.
ONLINE
Payvand News Online, http://www.payvand.com/ (May 10, 2010), Fariba Amini, author interview.
Yale University Website, https://history.yale.edu/ (June 19, 2018), author profile.
Abbas Amanat
Abbas Amanat's picture
William Graham Sumner Professor of History; Director, Yale Program in Iranian Studies
abbas.amanat@yale.edu
Office:
HGS 214
Phone:
203-432-1368
Fields of interest:
Modern Middle East, early modern and modern Iran, Sh’ism and the Persianate world
Bio:
Abbas Amanat (B.A., Tehran University, 1971; D. Phil., University of Oxford, 1981) has taught and written about early modern and modern history of Iran, Muslim world, the Middle East and the Persianate world for more than three decades. His principal book publications include Iran: A Modern History (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2017); Az Tehran ta ‘Akka: Babiyan va Baha’iyan dar Asnad-e Dowran-e Qajar (From Tehran to ‘Akka: Babis and Baha’is in the Official Records of Qajar Iran, Copenhagen and New Haven: Ashkaar Publishers, 2016); Apocalyptic Islam and Iranian Shi’ism (London and New York: I B Tauris, 2009); Pivot of the Universe: Nasir al-Din Shah Qajar and the Iranian Monarchy, 1831-1896 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1997, paperback: London and New York: I B Tauris, 2008; Persian translation: Qebleh-e ‘Alam [Tehran: Nashr-e Karnameh, 2004]); Resurrection and Renewal: the Making of the Babi Movement in Iran, 1844-1850 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1989; second ed. Los Angeles: Kalimat Press, 2005).
Amanat has edited Crowning Anguish: Memoirs of a Persian Princess from the Harem to Modernity (Washington DC: Mage Publishers, 1995) and Cities and Trade: Consul Abbott on the Economy and Society of Iran (London: Ithaca Press, 1983). He has coedited Iran Facing Others: Identity Boundaries in a Historical Perspective (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012); Is There a Middle East: The Evolution of a Geopolitical Concept (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2011); Shari’a: Islamic Law in the Contemporary Context (Stanford, 2007; paperback: Stanford, 2009); U.S.-Middle East Historical Encounters: A Critical Survey (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2007); Apocalypse and Violence (New Haven, 2004); and Imagining the End: Visions of Apocalypse from Ancient Middle East to Modern America (London and New York: I B Tauris, 2002). Amanat has also coedited a special issue entitled “Environment in Iran: Changes and Challenges,” Iranian Studies: vol. 49. No. 6 (December 2016). He has published new editions (with extensive introductions) of E.G. Browne, The Persian Revolution (Washington DC, 1995) and C.J. Wills, The Land of the Lion and the Sun (Washington DC 2004). His new coedited volume: [NOT YET}The Persianate World: A Conceptual Inquiry will be published by Brill Publishers in 2017. Amanat’s [NOT YET] ‘Ahd-e Qajar va Sawda-ye Farang (Tehran: Nashr-e Namak) is due to appear in 2018. His work in progress includes [NOT YET] Tahereh: A Millenarian Feminist, a biography of Fatima Qurrat al-‘Ayn; Qajar Iran, British India and Tipu Sultan’s Grand Alliance; and Nonconformity in the Early Modern and Modern Persianate World.
Abbas Amanat is a Consulting Editor and longtime contributor to Encyclopedia Iranica and member of its Board of Directors. His major entries in EIr include: “Constitutional Revolution” (1994); “Great Britain in Qajar Persia” (2002); “Hajji Baba of Ispahan” (2003); “Historiography of Qajar Iran” (2004); “Historiography of Pahlavi Iran” (2004) and “Islam in Iran: Messianism” (2007). He was a Carnegie Scholar of Islamic Studies (2005-2007) and the recipient of the Mellon-Sawyer Grant for comparative study of millennialism (1998-2001). He was the Editor-in-Chief of Iranian Studies, the journal of the Association for Iranian Studies (1991-98) and the Chair of the Council on Middle East Studies, Yale University (1993-2004). He is currently the Director of the Yale Program in Iranian Studies at the Yale MacMillan Center for International and Area Studies. His courses include “Middle East and the West: A Cultural Encounter;” “Empire, Nationalism and Revolution in the Modern Middle East”; “Making of Modern Iran”; “Myth and Memory in the Persian Book of Kings”; “Mahdis of the Muslim World”; “The Great Game to the Great Satan”; and “Political Islam: The Origins and in Modern Times.” Among his graduate seminars are “Narratives of Modern Iran;” “Historiography and Methodology of the Modern Middle East”; “Political Theory and Practice in the Persian Historical Texts and Contexts”; “Apocalypticism: Ancient and Modern;” and “Orientalism and Its Critics.”
Period:
Early Modern
Modern
Geography:
Middle East
South Asia
Thematic:
Cultural
Empires & Colonialism
Environmental
Historiography
Intellectual
Political
Religious
Abbas Amanat
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Abbas Amanat (Persian: عباس امانت) (born November 14, 1947) is William Graham Sumner Professor of History at Yale University.[1]
Contents
1 Early life and education
2 Career
3 Books
4 Publications
5 References
6 External links
Early life and education
A graduate of Alborz High School (Tehran, 1966), he received his B.A. from Tehran University in Social Sciences in 1971 and his D.Phil. from the Faculty of Oriental Studies, Oxford University in 1981. He studied with Albert Hourani and John Gurney as well as with Wilferd Madelung, Roger Owen, Hamid Enayat and Wilfred Knapp. The external examiner of his D.Phil. dissertation: "Emergence and Early Development of the Babi Movement, 1844–1850", successfully defended in Hilary 1981, was Ann Lambton. He later was appointed as a fellow of St. Catherine's College, Oxford (1981–1982).
Amanat is the third child of Mousa Amanat, a businessman (who also published on the history of Kashan, Iran), and Besharat Khavari-Amanat, a descendant of a family of Jewish physicians from Kashan (whose patriarch, Hakim Harun Kashani, was a prominent member of the Jewish community of Kashan). His paternal grandfather, who converted to the Bahá'í Faith at the turn of the 20th century, was engaged in the silk trade of Kashan. Abbas Amanat is a brother of the architect Hossein Amanat who designed the Shahyad Azadi Tower in Tehran, and Mehrdad Amanat, who is a historian of Iran. Abbas Amanat is married to Maryam Sanjabi-Amanat, a specialist of eighteenth-century French literature, and a Senior Lecturer at the Department of French Studies at Yale University.
Career
Amanat began teaching first in the Program of Religious Studies at SUNY Stony Brook in 1982 and soon after was appointed as assistant professor in the Department of History, Yale University in the fall of 1983. In 2018 he is Professor of History and Director of the Yale Program in Iranian Studies. Amanat is a historian of Iran, Shia Islam, and the modern Middle East. He specializes in Qajar Iran as well as in the history of messianic and apocalyptic movements in the Islamic world.[2] Among other topics he has written about Iranian identity and changing attitudes among Iranians over time.[3] Amanat was a Carnegie Scholar of Islamic Studies (2005–2007) and the recipient of the Mellon-Sawyer Grant for comparative study of millennialism (1998–2001). He was the Editor-in-Chief of Iranian Studies, journal of the International Association for Iranian Studies (1991–98), and Chair of the Council on Middle East Studies at Yale University (1993–2004).
Books
Amanat, Abbas (March 1, 1989). Resurrection and Renewal: The Making of the Babi Movement in Iran, 1844–1850. Cornell University Press. ISBN 978-0801420986.[4] (In this study of millennarian movements in Shi'i Iran and Iraq Amanat draws attention to complementary cultural, religious and socieconomic contexts. He views messianic movements as agents of renewal and indigenous reform often in contrast to the religious establishment and its dry and legalistic interpretation of Islam with a regressive worldview. Utilizing new material, he reexamines the life and time of the founder of the movement, the Bab, and career of the celebrated Babi leader and poetess Qurrat al-'Ayn (Taherah) and her contribution to the shaping of the movement.)[5]
Amanat, Abbas (November 15, 2008). The Pivot of the Universe: Nasir al-Din Shah and the Iranian Monarchy, 1831-1896. I.B. Tauris. ISBN 978-1845118280.(The life and political career of Nasir al-Din Shah Qajar is the material for a case study of tensions within the institution of Persian monarchy and its encounter with forces of modernity. Its Persian translation: Qebleh-e Alam (trans. Hasan Kamshad, Tehran: Nashr Karnameh, 2004) stirred much debate especially with reference to the revisionist treatment of the celebrated premier Mirza Taqi Khan Amir Kabir)[6]
Amanat, Abbas (March 15, 2009). Apocalyptic Islam and Iranian Shi'ism. I.B. Tauris. ISBN 978-1845119812.(looking at diverse trends in Iranian Shi'ism and within the broader context of Islamic apocalyptic movements, this book argues how ancient apocalyptic trends reemerged during the Islamic Revolution of 1979 and exploited afterwards by the state)
Amanat, Abbas; Vahman, Fereydun (August 1, 2016). Az Tehran Ta Akka: Babiyan Va Bahaiyan Dar Asnad Dowran-E Qajar. Ashkaar Publishers. ISBN 9780997676907.(this is a documentary history of the Babi movement in exile and during the birth of the Baha'i Faith viewed through the lens of Iranian and Ottoman officials)
Amanat, Abbas (October 24, 2017). Iran: A Modern History. Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0300112542. This is a critical history of half a millennium of political, socioeconomic and cultural history of Iran from the rise of the Safavid Empire to the 1979 revolution and its aftermath. Since its publication it has been positively reviewed among other places in The Economist, Wall Street Journal, The Times of London, the Sunday Times and the Literary Review.
Publications
Iran: A Modern History (2017)
Az Tehran ta 'Akka (2016)
Apocalyptic Islam and Iranian Shi’ism (2009)
Pivot of the Universe: Nasir al-Din Shah and the Iranian Monarchy, 1831-1896 (1997)
Resurrection and Renewal: the Making of the Babi Movement in Iran, 1844-1850 (1989) [5]
Crowning Anguish: Memoirs of a Persian Princess from the Harem to Modernity (1995)
Iran Facing Others: Identity Boundaries in a Historical Perspective (2012)
Is There a Middle East?: The Evolution of a Geopolitical Concept (2011)
Shari’a: Islamic Law in the Contemporary Context (2007)
U.S.-Middle East Historical Encounters: A Critical Survey (2007)
Imagining the End: Visions of Apocalypse from Ancient Middle East to Modern America (2002)
Cities and Trade: Consul Abbot on the Economy and Society of Iran, 1847-1866 (London: Ithaca Press, 1983)
05/10/10
Apocalyptic Islam: Interview with Dr. Abbas Amanat
By Fariba Amini
Apocalyptic Islam and Iranian Shi'ism
Dr. Abbas Amanat is professor of History and International and Area Studies at Yale University in New Haven Connecticut. Prof. Amanat graduated from Tehran University and received his Ph.D. from Oxford University in England. He is the author of many books and articles among them Pivot of the Universe: Nasir al-Din Shah and the Iranian Monarchy, 1831-1896 (1997) and Resurrection and Renewal: the Making of the Babi Movement in Iran, 1844-1850 (1989). His current book, Apocalyptic Islam and Iranian Shi'ism, published by I.B. Taurus (2009), examines the millenarian roots and manifestations of Shi'ism as it developed in Iran. It covers many issues relevant to today's discussions on Islam, Shi'ism and the Islamic Republic. He is currently working on a biography of the poet Fatima Baraghani Qurrat al-'Ayn (Tahirah) and a documentary history of Qajar Iran (in Persian). Professor Amanat has been a mentor to many students, both Iranians and Americans. As one of his former students says about him, "my years as a Ph.D. student at Yale were formative in various ways due to the presence of Prof. Amanat in my life as my mentor and a friend. Prof. Amanat's scholarly advice, intellectual guidance, and enthusiasm inspired me throughout my work."
In your recent book you talk about Shi'ia jurisprudence during the Qajar and Safavid periods, but you mention that it was not very relevant. Why would we, after 200 years or so, then see the crafting and the implementation of the idea of Vilayat- e- faqhih?
In my book I have tried to show that in modern times, and especially in the 20th century after the Constitutional Revolution and the rise of Pahlavi secularism, the Shi'i clerical establishment failed to rise up to the challenge of modernity by modernizing its essentially arcane Shi'i legal methods and institutions, concepts and practices. Both the "principles of jurisprudence" (osul-e fiqh) which is the methodology of law, and the actual instructions (foru'), lagged behind the needs of the time. Orthodox Shi'ism remained hopelessly preoccupied with outdated ideas of devotional rites and practices, ritual cleanliness, unpracticed and impracticable penal laws and so on. Loss of major institutions such as the education and the judiciary to the Pahlavi state helped marginalize the clergy. Instead the isolate establishment, and especially the younger and more radical members, sought social relevance not in legal modernity and reconsideration of Islamic law but in political activism and opposition to the secular policies of the state and its real or presumed subservience to Western values and Western powers. This is particularly evident after the 1960's.
As I have shown, the doctrine of the "authority of the jurists" (vilayat-e faqih) was a clear example of this shift from legalism to political power; an attempt to become relevant and regain the lost privileges. Contrary to common misperceptions about the clergy's opposition to the state, throughout its history the clerical establishment in Iran almost never entertained a claim over political power; an area that traditional Shi'i jurists for centuries tried to avoid. Any form of government except that of the Mahdi was perceived as a necessary evil; an oppressor (ja'er) that the pure and godly should avoid rather than embrace. Vilayat-e faqih should thus be seen as an act of empowerment, a discovery of the political potency of an Islamic ideology, while bypassing legal modernity. Even up to our time, some thirty years after the revolution, the Islamic Republic has yet to find adequate answers to the demand for doctrinal and legal modernity; issues such as human rights, freedom of speech, gender and minorities, and a humane penal code.
The Idea of the Hidden Imam or Mahdi is an important part of the Shi'a religion. How do the clerics give legitimacy to this idea?
The Shi'i clerical establishment always had an uneasy attitude toward messianic Shi'ism and promises for the return of the Mahdi. The Shi'i clerical scholarship wrote over a millennium numerous books and tracts on the "absence" (ghaybat) of the Hidden Imam emphasizing his prolonged life and that he will endure until the End of the Time when he will return to bring justice and equity. Yet despite great investment in rationalizing the absent of the Hidden Imam, this literature, by and large, was designed to give credence and legitimacy to the clerical establishment and their legal authority as jurists (mujtahids) in the absence of the Imam. In practice the clergy, particularly high ranking clergy -what today is known as ayatollahs- consistently rejected any claim to the advent of the Hidden Imam and even its impending possibility. This is well evident in their hostile fatwas throughout Shi'i history, especially in the Qajar era, and their persecution of followers of such messianic trends. Instead, increasingly since the 18th century, they advocated that the jurists collectively are the representative or the "deputy" of the Mahdi. Facing the current trend of expectation for the Mahdi, it seems that the Shi'i clergy have been taken off guard and don't know how to go about the outlandish insinuations coming from the Iranian president and his cohorts. As I have discussed in the last chapter some high clergy are following the new lead and express pride in the fact that they for long wrote about the "signs" of the Mahdi's advent. Yet majority of the more cautious and circumspect members of the clergy seems to be paying only a lip service to idea and treat the president's repeated statements about the impending advent of the Mahdi with silent skepticism.
As you mention in your book, there is also a journal called Maw'ud, which is filled with all kinds of superstitious beliefs. Why do you think they are promoting such khorafat?
Such publications as Maw'ud and many websites devoted to the idea of the Mahdi, including repeated conferences, seminars, secretariats, and an assortment of organizations devoted to Mahdism in today's Iran, serve a purpose however. They try to galvanize, it seems, the otherwise ideologically exhausted support for the regime with a very generous doze of financial support from the government or semi-governmental organizations that funnel funds for upkeep of website, publishing journals and paying for conference and seminars. It remains to be seen how much of grass roots support they enjoy but surely some of the ideas discussed or hinted at in these publications are sheer hate propaganda, recycled rhetoric of the Great Satan and a uncanny attempt to update and give currency to the prophecies of the Mahdi to make it relevant to the world affairs. Some insinuations are truly scary while others reflect popular Shi'i beliefs in a pseudo-intellectualized garb. In certain respect it reflects the worldview of the president and his supporters.
You talk about Jamkaran and how ordinary people and even the middle and upper classes go on pilgrimage to this site in the middle of the desert? You also said that Ahmadi Nejad government on the orders of Khamenei has spent or will be spending nearly 1.4 billion dollars on this site. Why do you think this is happening in light of the current economic hardship for Iranians? How do they justify this?
I don't think I need to dwell too much on the irrationality of governments in determining their priorities in Iran or elsewhere. As far as the Islamic Republic and more specifically the current president is concerned however, Jamkaran is a success story. Here there are tens of thousands who show up weekly to visit the site and outpour their inner frustrations in a seemingly sacred space. After all with the exception of Mashhad no other religious site in today's Iran seem to be attracting as much attention. Anyone who recognizes the place of propaganda -and no doubt the Shi'i clergy enjoy a millennium of expertise in this area- would recognize the value of a site that make people weep, pray, and write petitions for the Hidden Imam in order to share their problems and hope for the best. What is the worth of a billion or so dollars to offer such a collective therapeutic outlet? We should not forget that the Iranian society has become in a peculiar way more religious compared even to a generation earlier.
One of your chapters talks at length about the rise of the Babi movement. Can you tell us a bit more about its history and the circumstances in which it emerged?
The Babi movement that emerged in the middle of the 19th century was the latest, and possibly the most dramatic, example of messianic aspirations in Shi'i Iranian past (perhaps with the exception of Isma'ilism in its revolutionary phase in the 10 to 12th centuries). It claimed to fulfill the long-awaited return of the Mahdi at the End of the Time and thus the end of the Islamic dispensation. It was bound to meet with the hostility of the clerical establishment and eventually the rage of the Qajar state. What is however important about the movement compared to many examples in Islamic, more specifically Iranian Shi'i, history was its metaphorical interpretation of the Islamic Resurrection (Qiyamat) and cyclical view of history and the belief that religions like living organs have birth, growth, decline and eventual demise. It advocated that although all are of the common divine origin, each has to address the needs of specific time in human societies and evolution of human civilization. This idea, which articulated in later years and came to be known as "progressive revelation," naturally challenged the finality of the Islam and hence aroused the opposition of the religious establishment. Yet despite persecution and pressure it thrived in the Iranian setting as a semi-clandestine movement and despite bitter internal divisions evolved to what is today the Baha'i Faith. Still the apocalyptic impulses that are at the heart of Shi'i messianism was responsible for the rise and growth of the Babi and later Baha'i thought. The symbolic interpretation of the messianic prophecies, a humanization of the Mahdi and the dynamics embedded in the Shi'i tragedy and salvation stories all contributed to the shaping of the movement.
What is particularly interesting about this movement from the perspective of Iranian culture, is its indigenous sense of national awareness evident in the use of Persian language as the language of its scripture, its honoring of Fars as the sacred land, and its new time reckoning based on the Iranian solar calendar that celebrated the Nowruz. The Babi doctrine in its intricacies however was riddled with anachronistic ideas it inherited from its Shi'i popular culture and complicated because of its experimentation with a new sacred language. Nevertheless, its very breaking away from the sphere of Islam opened the way for later emergence of a more modern yet indigenous Baha'i doctrine.
What do you think of the social movement known as the Green Movement that took place after the 2009 elections? How does this movement relate to other movements that have taken place in the last century in Iran?
As has been observed, there is something generational about the Green movement. Here too we may detect the return of messianic aspirations among a new generation of Iranians frustrated with the hypocrisy and oppression and with the unfulfilled promises of the Islamic Revolution. Such aspirations however no longer seem to favor the advent of a savior in the traditional Shi'i garb, something which has already been exhausted by the regime. Yet there was a palpable hope in the demonstration and its symbolism, its use of green as the color of salvation which is sacred and yet peaceful and "green" in the contemporary environmental sense. I finished my book only a few months before the June 2009 election. Looking back at the last paragraphs it seems to me, without bragging, that they are somewhat prophetic. The messianic paradigm and hope for salvation is something very old in Iranian culture, perhaps as old as inception of Iran. It is therefore remarkable to see that such a paradigm finds a new context and a new exciting expression in our time.
Note: This article was first published by Iranian.com
... Payvand News - 05/10/10 ... --
Iran: A Modern History
Washington Report on Middle East Affairs. 37.1 (January-February 2018): p69.
Copyright: COPYRIGHT 2018 American Educational Trust
http://www.washington-report.org
Full Text:
Iran: A Modern History by Abbas Amanat, Yale University Press, 2017, hardcover, 1,000 pp. MEB: $35. This masterfully researched and compelling history of Iran from 1501 to 2009 is not a survey in the conventional sense, but an ambitious exploration of the story of a nation. Amanat covers the complex history of Iran's diverse societies and economies against the background of dynastic changes, revolutions, civil wars, foreign occupation and the rise of the Islamic Republic.
Source Citation (MLA 8th Edition)
"Iran: A Modern History." Washington Report on Middle East Affairs, Jan.-Feb. 2018, p. 69. General OneFile, http://link.galegroup.com/apps/doc/A522208992/ITOF?u=schlager&sid=ITOF&xid=63e44eed. Accessed 17 May 2018.
Gale Document Number: GALE|A522208992
The revenge of the clergy; History of Iran
The Economist. 425.9067 (Nov. 18, 2017): p72(US).
Copyright: COPYRIGHT 2017 Economist Intelligence Unit N.A. Incorporated
http://store.eiu.com/
Full Text:
The upper hand
ABBAS AMANAT is an authority on Iranian culture and political history. In his new book he presents the past five centuries of Iran's history in its Persian, Shia context. At 1,000 pages, it is not for the fainthearted. But Mr Amanat is a skilful narrator whose use of sources and anecdotes is<< illuminating>>. His book <
It is especially strong on cultural, literary and intellectual history and the role this has played in Iran's interpretations of political and clerical authority. Mr Amanat dips into the lives and works of key figures, from those who articulated the country's responses to European imperialism, such as Mirza Malkom Khan, a prominent modernist who died in 1908, to the ideologues of the Islamic revolution of 1979. These include Jalal Al-e Ahmad and the left-leaning zealots and poets who used a mix of Marxism, Islamism, the Shia tropes of martyrdom and Frantz Fanon's third-worldism to give Iran's Islamic revolution its distinctive characteristics.
It is Mr Amanat's ability to draw out the bigger themes in Iran's history as a Shia powerhouse state that sets the book apart. He begins with the creation of the Safavid state in the early 16th century. He explains the competing tensions within Persian Shiism of temporal and spiritual legitimacy, intertwined with messianic revivalism, mysticism and dissent. Put simply, in a battle between God and the crown, who wins what, and why?
Until 1979, the state had the upper hand. The clergy were there to preach, educate and sit in judgment on the nation's souls. A politically active clergy was, and still is for many leading Shia thinkers, a heretical innovation. Mr Amanat excels at establishing, through events and through the thought of its leading philosophers, how Persian Shia political philosophy creates this natural separation of mosque and state, as long as the state allows freedom and safety of Shia religious practice.
Mr Amanat highlights another important point in Iran's politico-religious make-up when he traces the cyclical nature of divine revelation in "Twelver" Shia thought, through the 12 imams (descendants of Prophet Muhammad), and the 12th imam's "occultation" in 874. This facet of Shia philosophy offers Persian political culture the potential for millenarian trends to appear at times of political and social crisis. President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's conviction that the 12th imam was poised to return to daily life in Iran meant that, among other less innocent actions, he would lay an extra place for the 12th imam at his weekly cabinet briefings. Ayatollah Khomeini came to be known as an imam, which constituted a break with the notion of a quietist, apolitical clergy. This was heretical among local Shia communities and yet also had precedent in Iran's modern history, as Mr Amanat illustrates.
The exploration of this central tension lends Mr Amanat's account of the Islamic revolution a deep historical resonance. The book traces this tension through Iran's turbulent engagements with Western imperialism into its later entanglements with 20th-century superpowers. Central to the debate surrounding the constitutional revolution that began in 1905 was the place of Shiism in Iranian political life. Would the clergy retain their control over sharia law and its role in shaping private life, or would they be subsumed by the advance of secular Western political ideas?
That question came to dominate the nation's political discourse, often under the shadow of real and imagined threats from the West. Ayatollah Khomeini's controversial doctrine of velayat-e faqih, the "guardianship of the jurist", and its application as the ideological and constitutional blueprint for the Islamic revolution, was the first time in Iran's Shia history that the clergy had explicitly articulated a theory of government. Before that they always preferred to remain scholarly and juristic.
Derided under the Pahlavi monarchs and sidelined in the dash to achieve Western modernity after the discovery of oil, the clergy launched the Islamic revolution as an act of revenge. Their bid for power challenged the very soul of Shia orthodoxy. It was not a complete triumph, for the 1979 revolution and its aftermath<< crushed the clergy's centuries-old independence from the state.>>
Despite the book's extraordinary range and detail, the reader is left wondering about the ultimate place of Islam and politics in Iran, and how this might develop. A legitimate question is whether the Islamic republic of Iran has been the harbinger of the destruction of the Iranian clergy, both in the minds of the Iranian people and as a political force. Have the clergy become so crippled by association with the horrors of the Islamic republic--with its mass purges, its political prisoners raped and tortured, and the children who were forced to walk over minefields during the Iran-Iraq war--that they have lost all moral authority with Iranians? Might there be an upsurge in orthodox clerical opposition to the Islamic republic as this uneasy experiment in Shia political activism comes to an end of sorts?
Mr Amanat does not address these questions, but perhaps he does not need to. He ends with the disputed elections of 2009 in which Mr Ahmadinejad controversially returned to power amid repression and violence. The writing might, one assumes, be on the wall.
Iran: A Modern History.
By Abbas Amanat.
Source Citation (MLA 8th Edition)
"The revenge of the clergy; History of Iran." The Economist, 18 Nov. 2017, p. 72(US). General OneFile, http://link.galegroup.com/apps/doc/A514634757/ITOF?u=schlager&sid=ITOF&xid=7ef93879. Accessed 17 May 2018.
Gale Document Number: GALE|A514634757
Amanat , Abbas: IRAN
Kirkus Reviews. (Sept. 15, 2017):
Copyright: COPYRIGHT 2017 Kirkus Media LLC
http://www.kirkusreviews.com/
Full Text:
Amanat , Abbas IRAN Yale Univ. (Adult Nonfiction) $40.00 10, 24 ISBN: 978-0-300-11254-2
A stately, scholarly study of Iran's modern development, emphasizing themes of Iranian distinctness from Arab and Western cultures and traditions.Given that the country was overrun constantly and threatened by powerful neighboring forces, from the Arabs to the Russians to the British, how did the Persian Empire resist being subsumed by them, retaining instead its remarkable language, culture, and Shia religion? In his elucidating study that moves from the establishment of the Safavid dynasty in 1501 through 2009, Amanat (History and International Studies/Yale Univ.) considers many different factors in the making of Iranian cohesion. Geography played an important part, as the country is protected by mountain ranges and at the crossroads of major trading routes yet is also vulnerable as a northern passageway for nomadic invasions. Known by the ancient Greeks as the "formidable Other" superpower, the Persian Empire enjoyed a rich linguistic and cultural tradition and developed a strong idea of political authority in the form of the shah ("one who deserves to rule on his own merit"). Moreover, the divide between the center of power and the periphery was great, and as Shi'ism was consolidated under the Safavid state in the 16th century, the tension gave rise to important indigenous messianic movements. The Qajar era (1797-1852) was marked by the struggle to resist colonial domination while gingerly adopting Western modern technologies. Amanat closely studies the liberal, anti-tyranny legacy of the Constitutional Revolution of 1905-1911 as both a driver of modernizing forces of the later Pahlavi reign (1925-1941) and a significant spur to the sense of democracy and national identity that would resonate with the Iranian Revolution. While the Shia religion (and its semiautonomous clergy) served as the bonding agent, the Ayatollah Khomeini was able to put "into practice the long-speculated-on idea of political Islam." The author emphasizes the role of Iranian art--poetry, architecture, painting, music, cinema--in helping to encapsulate that national identity but also harbor expressions of political dissent against repressive authorities. <>
Source Citation (MLA 8th Edition)
"Amanat , Abbas: IRAN." Kirkus Reviews, 15 Sept. 2017. General OneFile, http://link.galegroup.com/apps/doc/A504217570/ITOF?u=schlager&sid=ITOF&xid=33390661. Accessed 17 May 2018.
Gale Document Number: GALE|A504217570
What does it mean to be Iranian?
Lior Sternfeld
Iran Times International (Washington, DC). 43.24 (Aug. 30, 2013): p7.
Copyright: COPYRIGHT 2013 Iran Times International
http://www.iran-times.com/
Full Text:
Iran Facing Others: Identity Boundaries in a Historical Perspective Abbas Amanat and Farzin Vejdani, eds., New York: Palgrave-Macmillan, 2012, ISBN 9780230102538
Iranian national identity continues to be an engaging subject for a myriad of articles, books, and conferences. This evolving debate examines both ancient text, such as the Shahnameh, and recent cutting-edge research. Still, the question of what Iranian nationalism consists of, and what contributes to its ever-changing character, is not yet exhausted.
This volume of 12 articles (and an introduction by Abbas Amanat) brings new approaches to the academic conversation. Its goal is to investigate the geographical and cultural boundaries of Iranian nationalism. Ferdowsi's Shahnameh anchors the discussion as the most influential text on perceptions, both by foreigners and Iranians, of the Iranian identity question. Amanat notes that throughout the ages the Shahnameh served Iranians not only as an "epic tale and [for its] captivating storytelling values, but also as a supreme model for governance."
The book is divided into four sections. Each deals with different facets of Iranian national identity: cultural exclusion, encounters with other empires, modern nationalism construct, and internal "others."
In the introduction, Amanat sets the ground for the entire volume. He points out inherent tensions: territorial integrity vs. cultural spheres; centralized ethnicity vs. tribal and multi-denominational histories; and international connections vs. local development. He surveys the evolution of Iran from the days of the Arab invasion (as remembered through poetry) to the Islamic Republic. A recurring theme in the volume as a whole is the essentiality of hostile encounters to the forging of national identity, be it domestic encounters between competing factions or foreigners contesting the national ethos.
Amanat presents an interesting argument in his discussion of the "Nationalist identity in the Pahlavi era." He points out the appeal and historical connection Iranian nationalism had to the minorities. As proof, he presents the failures of local nationalisms to develop in the periphery and hinterland, despite the attempt to create them (Kurdish and Azeri movements). This argument departs from much of the existing scholarship that ascribes these failures to the balance of power between the superpowers (USSR and Britain) and Iran. It does, however, support the general agreement that the Pahlavi era national identity was as inclusive as possible and reflected the values of a state-sponsored "Greater Iran."
Dick Davis' chapter, "Iran and Aniran: the shaping of a legend," returns to the Shahnameh and underscores its significance in the Iranian self-perception, and how it fused myth and history into the modern Iranian national consciousness. A fascinating argument that is presented in this chapter concerns the role of race in the Shahnameh and in the legacy of ancient Iran. Davis analyzes the protagonists' genealogy and holds that "Kay Khosrow, the paradigmatically perfect Iranian king of the poem's first half, only has one indisputably Iranian grandparent; the other three are from Turan."
This problematizes the reading of the Shahnameh as a nationalistic text that was placed as the paragon of "pure Iranianism." Davis shows that the contrary is true; the text offers favorable views of foreigners, welcoming them to the greater Persian Empire. This chapter also traces the roots of the Arab-Persian animosity in the Shahnameh: "The oppressor of Iran, the potential destroyer of its people and its heritage, turns out to be not Turan, or India, or China, or even the demonic world, which had been the constantly evoked adversaries of the poem's legendary narratives, but a man who comes from Arab stock."
In the next chapter, Sunil Sharma explores the evolvement of the "'Ajam" concept. Sharma examines what values are inherent in this term, in multiple literary traditions. The old cultural animosity between the Arabs and the Persians appears in the contrasting definitions of this word. As Sharma shows, one of the concepts represented by "'Ajam" is cultural conquest over the Arabs. Sharma's article helps to define the ever-changing boundaries of Persian literature. Using literary traditions from Iran, India, and Europe, Sharma evaluates their different perspectives and looks at how their content changed following the transition within the Persianate world.
In chapter three, "Iranian History in Transition," Touraj Atabaki studies the ninth-century revolt of Babak Khorramdin. He compares historical fact with the contemporary interpretations of this story by different sects, and studies how it was used as a model for Iranian nationalism. Khorramdin's revolt against the 'Abbasid caliphate was used to teach modern Iranians what their 'true' nature is.
Of course, the interpretations vary according to who was teaching about the revolt. Some describe Babak Khorramdin as a warrior for independent Iran and the sovereignty of its people, and defender of its rich history; Marxists (including Tudeh members) see him as a fighter against injustice and exploitation; yet others decry him as an infidel and see him as an "other."
This story was also used to make territorial claims, in which Khorramdin's geographical "spheres of influence" were emphasized. Atabaki shows that some of these narratives were prominent enough to appear in official history textbooks. He demonstrates how historians of the Islamic Republic suffered from selective amnesia when writing about Khorramdin. They chose which details to put forward (Khorramdin's Azeri background and the actual revolt) while neglecting to mention others (the success of his campaign). In this period, the story was used to contextualize contemporary struggles in Azerbaijan, where Khorramdin has remained an icon.
The second part, "Empires and Encounters," opens with an article by Fariba Zarinebaf, "Rebels and Renegades on Ottoman-Iranian Borderland." It makes a great contribution in more than one aspect. First, it sheds new light on a much-neglected part of borderland studies: the geographical and political conditions there created hybrid identities that could not have been created elsewhere. Second, the Ottoman-Safavid rivalry is very much under-studied. Zarinebaf examines political practices in the frontier provinces, showing how local governors maneuvered between central government demands, their private interest, and local subjects' wants.
[ILLUSTRATION OMITTED]
Methods like changing loyalties, and thus changing the borders between the two empires, were endemic and reflected the very same hybridism that is embedded in the frontier gray-zone. The nature of this rivalry also sheds an interesting new light on mixed identities: the Ottomans appealed to the Qizilbash to facilitate Ottoman takeovers; Janissaries crossed the border to serve the Safavids; Turkoman-Azeri heterodox Sufi orders challenged Ottoman orthodox Islam. This chapter opens new grounds for future research and new reading of both Ottoman and Safavid historiographies.
Chapters 5 and 6 deal with more recent encounters between Iran and Russia and Britain. In chapter 5, Rudi Matthee investigates why, despite aggressive and violent encounters, Russia does not have as infamous a reputation in Iran as Britain. The Iranians feared Russia's expansionist tendencies and despised "ominous Russia" (Rus-e manhus), but also looked at Russia as the premier European or Western superpower that balanced the Ottoman Empire and opened a door for Iranian modernization. The "Russian legacy" may also be less notorious than it could and should have been because of the relative weakness of the Qajar central government; since the Qajars were not perceived as rigid defenders of the Iranian borders, the legacies could become less confrontational.
Chapter 6 focuses on the impressions of the Iranian encounter with the British Empire during the Qajar era. The encounter with Britain instigated conflicting trends within the Iranian public sphere. On the one hand, Britain represented modernity and power, and in many senses became a source of emulation. On the other hand, the ruthless exploitation of Iran's resources, the corruption, and the interference with Iran's domestic issues kindled hatred that lasted longer than Britain's actual presence in Iran. Amanat analyzes this tension, arguing that Britain is Iran's ultimate external "other."
Chapter 7 too concentrates on the Anglo-Iranian relationship. H. Lyman Stebbins' article, on the period from 1890 to 1919, examines the impact of the British presence on the emergence of anti-imperial movements and their impact on shaping national identity. His focus becomes more interesting when he shifts the location of the research from Tehran to South Iran, where the British presence was much more massive. The interactions between the British and the tribes in the Gulf region created unique national consciousness that served the Qajar state to some extent; later, they helped the Pahlavi dynasty to portray Britain as a threat and to "other" it.
The third part of the volume, "Nationalism and the Appropriation of the Past," deals with historiographical criticism. Afshin Matin-Asgari's "The Academic Debate on Iranian Identity" criticizes the academic discourse regarding Iranian nationalism. Matin-Asgari argues that this discourse is based on false presumptions and therefore misleading and partial. He calls for the abandonment of the paradigm of continuous national history from the pre-modern era to today; instead, he maintains, we should understand early Iran as an empire. The model of the multi-ethnic empire (much like the contemporary European empires) explains premodern Iran better than the model of an eternal nation. Matin-Asgari offers a compelling argument about the failure of the academic craft in posing alternatives to the nation-state model, even when another, better fitting model is in sight. This chapter's greatest value, if so, is in its valid criticism of generations of Iranian studies' academicians.
Houchang Chehabi's chapter, "Iran and Iraq: Intersocietal Linkages and Secular Nationalism," criticizes the historiography that, extrapolating from relatively recent animosity between Iran and Iraq, portrays this rivalry as eternal. Chehabi shows that the communities of Iran and Iraq were much more intertwined than we currently think. Family relations, commerce, religion-and more-connected people; the anti-Arab Iranian discourse or the anti-Persian Iraqi discourse are recent constructions stemming from political disputes rather than historic cultural tensions.
The last part of the book, "Self-Fashioning and Internal Othering," concentrates on three minority communities and the process of "othering" they underwent. In chapter 10 Daniel Tsadik examines how the identity of the Jewish community evolved throughout the ages. The delicate connection between the Jewish minority and the Muslim majority produced yet again a unique hybrid identity comprised of Muslim and Jewish motifs, national Iranian components, and Persian culture and history. Zionism became a factor in the second half of the twentieth century and influenced the community in two prominent ways. First, a quarter of the Jewish population migrated to Israel-some were wholeheartedly Zionist, while others sought refuge from inter-religious tensions. Second, Jews were suspected as Zionist sympathizers and, in times of rising Israeli-Palestinian tensions, the Iranian community had to confront their Muslim compatriots who showed solidarity with the Palestinians.
Otherwise, during the Pahlavi era Jews were well integrated in Iran's economy and society. Tsadik shows that in 1966 about a third of Tehran's textile merchants were Jews; Jews also were overrepresented among physicians and university professors, and held high positions in banks and government offices. Tsadik also underscores their large participation in the Communist Tudeh party. Overall, this article thoroughly shows the modifications of Jewish Iranians' identity in response to their changing environment.
Mina Yazdani's "The Confessions of Dolgoruki: the Crisis of Identity and the Creation of a Master Narrative" focuses on the condition of the Baha'i community following the publication, in the 1930s, of a forged memoir that presented Baha'ism as part of a greater Russian conspiracy to destroy Muslim unity in Iran. Parts of the Iranian population were convinced that this text was genuine; in the wake of its publication, the status of the Baha'is deteriorated. Yazdani suggested that the aftermath of the publication is part of the postcolonial identity crisis and involved conflicting ideas, such as Islamism and racist nationalism. The analysis of the text evokes the instance of the "The Protocols of the Elders of Zion," which was created in Tsarist Russia to serve similar aims of "othering" the Jews in Russia.
The last chapter, Monica Ringer's "Iranian Nationalism and Zoroastrian Identity: Between Cyrus and Zoroaster," deals with the Zoroastrian community. Ringer discusses the unique role Zoroastrians played in Iranian history. Frequently, they are regarded as retainers of the genuine Iranian culture. However, as politicized religion became increasingly important in Iran in the 1960s and 1970s, the Zoroastrians started to play up their ethnic identity which they shared with the Muslim majority, and which hence was more acceptable to the Iranian Muslim public than their religious identity.
To conclude, this volume very usefully helps us understand intricate details of Iranian national identity. It is a well-rounded tome that helps the reader to better understand not only identity issues but also contextualizes it within Iranian history and literature. The different chapters can be used for all levels of courses on Iran and for almost any subfield, be it history, literature or sociology.
This book review first appeared in Iranian Studies, the journal of the International Society for Iranian Studies, and is reprinted with the permission of the editor, Homa Katouzian.
Lior Sternfeld
University of Texas at Austin
Sternfeld, Lior
Source Citation (MLA 8th Edition)
Sternfeld, Lior. "What does it mean to be Iranian?" Iran Times International [Washington, DC], 30 Aug. 2013, p. 7. General OneFile, http://link.galegroup.com/apps/doc/A343947013/ITOF?u=schlager&sid=ITOF&xid=c3aa80f0. Accessed 17 May 2018.
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Print Marked Items
Is There a Middle East? The Evolution of
a Geopolitical Concept
Karen Culcasi
Journal of World History.
24.3 (Sept. 2013): p710+.
COPYRIGHT 2013 University of Hawaii Press
http://www.uhpress.hawaii.edu
Full Text:
Is There a Middle East? The Evolution of a Geopolitical Concept. Edited by MICHAEL E. BONINE,
ABBAS AMANAT, and MICHAEL EZEKIEL GASPER. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2011.
344 pp. $80.00 (cloth); $24.95 (paper and e-book).
The short answer to this book's leading question is an assertive yes. There is indeed a Middle East. Edited
by the late Michael Bonine, a geographer, Abbas Amanat and Michael Ezekiel Gasper, both historians, Is
There a Middle East? The Evolution of a Geopolitical Concept brings together an impressive array of
scholars with wide-ranging areas of expertise. Through ten rich chapters (divided into three sections), this
book illustrates how the term, the idea, and the framework of the Middle East has been constructed as an
abstract geopolitical (and economic) entity over the last several decades. As the editors briefly outline in the
preface and introduction, the book follows the evolution of the concept of the Middle East, but also seeks to
problematize it and to examine the impacts of its construction.
The first section of this book addresses the multiple ways that the term "Middle East," as well "Near East"
and several others terms, have evolved. Tracing its usage in several European languages in the nineteenth
century, Yilman posits that it was the Eastern Question, or European geopolitics of the weakening Ottoman
Empire, from which the Middle East emerged. With great detail, Yilman shows that the Middle East is a
Eurocentric construction that emerged from geopolitical discourse. Adelson's chapter furthers Yilman's
point by arguing that the term gained widespread acceptance in the United States and the United Kingdom
as a geopolitical relic of the post-World War II and Cold War eras. In the third chapter, Bonine adds a
geographical analysis by summarizing the fluctuations of geographical delineations of the Middle East in
world-regional geography textbooks, atlases, and maps. In the final chapter of this section, Rouighi
provides an in depth study of how different institutions within the Maghrib use this Eurocentric concept. He
highlights that the concept is not widely adopted, but when it is used, it generally refers to somewhere east
of the Maghrib.
With the premise of the book well established in the first section--that there are incredible variations and
ambiguities of this term, of its Eurocentric origins, and the lack of internal adoption--the second section
provides depth and detail on various constructions of the Middle East. Khazeni's chapter looks at the
inclusion and exclusion of Central Asia as part of Middle East showing how boundaries became fixed on
maps only in nineteenth century amid the great imperial rivalries of Britain, Russia, and Persia. Sood
examines vernacular geographies in the eighteenth century through the writings of merchants working and
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living around the Arabian Sea. His rich discussion shows that geography was relative; there were no clear
boundaries, frontiers, or states. In the third chapter of this section, Varisco considers how the Holy Land, as
a geographical precursor to the Middle East, was perceived by pilgrims. Varisco stresses, in contradiction to
Edward Said, that this region was idealized as a utopia and hence not inferior to Europe. The last chapter of
this section draws on environmental history to debunk myths that Arabs mishandled and degraded the land.
In her analysis, Davis provides an impressive and much-needed critique of some foundational stereotypes of
the Middle East, whilst critiquing the colonist narrative that was used to justify their control of the "fragile"
land and people.
The third section of this book then moves on to examine the contemporary Middle East from a global
perspective. Gelvin provides a political economic history of the region, underscoring the global connections
of the economic order. Hazbun's chapter similarly examines global connections but through a critical
geopolitical lens. His chapter is a sustained discussion that addresses how the discourse of Middle East
"exceptionalism" (that the Middle East is inherently different from the West) has framed public and official
understandings of post--9/11 geopolitics and justified American foreign policies in the region.
The eclecticism of perspectives and foci presented in this book make for a valuable contribution to any
aspect of Middle East studies. Even with the diverse chapters, this edited collection clearly and superbly
demonstrates the construction of the Middle East as an abstraction, highlighting its Eurocentric origins and
lack of acceptance from within. Though this book has many great contributions, there are of course some
ways the book could have been strengthened.
First, a more sustained critical perspective could have helped one of the book's mains goals of
problematizing the Middle East. Not only does the book reify and support the continued usage of the term
Middle East (see chapter 3 specifically), but at times some of the all too familiar stereotypes of the Middle
East (i.e., as a place of political extremism, resentments, and oil, and as lacking agency to change) are
recycled (see the introductory chapter specifically). Both Bonine and Adelson make a cautionary statement
about conflating and homogenizing such a vast area, but a more sustained critique is warranted. It is notable
that literary scholars and feminist perspectives are absent from this book, and perhaps such contributions
might have added a more critical perspective. Another area that could have been developed is an analysis of
the impacts or effects of the use and evolution of the concept today. Though Hazbun does examine the
effects of discourses today, and there are inklings of such points scattered elsewhere, the book misses the
chance to probe into the ways in which the general public imagines this place, as well as how foreign
policies are implemented today. A smaller concern is the lack of editorial discussion. Editorial introductions
to each section were absent. These would have been immensely useful for weaving together some main
arguments and similar themes between the chapters.
Noting these few concerns, any professional or advanced student who focuses on the Middle East should
read this book, as it can help to question the "object" of many people's studies and curiosities. Ultimately,
what this books highlights is that even though the Middle East has Eurocentric geopolitical origins and that
it is a fluid concept, it is a concept that is very meaningful, very much here to stay, and thus very much in
need of critique.
KAREN CULCASI
West Virginia University
Culcasi, Karen
Source Citation (MLA 8th
Edition)
Culcasi, Karen. "Is There a Middle East? The Evolution of a Geopolitical Concept." Journal of World
History, vol. 24, no. 3, 2013, p. 710+. General OneFile,
http://link.galegroup.com/apps/doc/A376206472/ITOF?u=schlager&sid=ITOF&xid=0fdbcf4f.
Accessed 17 May 2018.
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Is there a Middle East?: the evolution of a
geopolitical concept
D.J. Timothy
CHOICE: Current Reviews for Academic Libraries.
49.10 (June 2012): p1947.
COPYRIGHT 2012 American Library Association CHOICE
http://www.ala.org/acrl/choice/about
Full Text:
49-5865
DS44
2011-26603 CIP
Is there a Middle East?: the evolution of a geopolitical concept, ed. by Michael E. Bonine, Abbas Amanat,
and Michael Ezekiel Gasper. Stanford, 2012. 319p bibl index alp ISBN 9780804775267, $80.00; ISBN
9780804775274 pbk, $24.95
This well-edited work focuses on geographically prescribed definitions of one of the most heavily contested
and tumultuous parts of the world, touching on many sensitive, albeit crucial, elements currently (and
historically) facing this region. Above all, the book's contributors highlight the geophysical, cultural, and
historical difficulties associated with identifying a region whose boundaries have heretofore eluded precise
definition and delineation. Nonetheless, the individual authors are able to argue for or against the Middle
East's regional identity as it is, and has been, mediated by politics, the natural environment, religion,
migration, colonialism, Eurocentrism, cartographic precision or lack thereof, and societal identity. The first
two sections illustrate the historical development of the concept of the "Middle East" as it was defined in
early maps and colonial writ. These sections are particularly useful because they clarify the definition of the
region by insiders and outsiders. The final part of the book deals with decisive contemporary issues as the
region continues to identify itself as a simultaneity of ancient and modern, and holds its place in a
globalized world. Themes include US foreign policy toward the region, war, and terrorism. Summing Up:
Recommended. ** Upper-division undergraduates and above.--D. J. Timothy, Arizona State University
Timothy, D.J.
Source Citation (MLA 8th
Edition)
Timothy, D.J. "Is there a Middle East?: the evolution of a geopolitical concept." CHOICE: Current Reviews
for Academic Libraries, June 2012, p. 1947. General OneFile,
http://link.galegroup.com/apps/doc/A291615865/ITOF?u=schlager&sid=ITOF&xid=32b94f70.
Accessed 17 May 2018.
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Apocalyptic Islam and Iranian Shi'ism
Reference & Research Book News.
25.3 (Aug. 2010):
COPYRIGHT 2010 Ringgold, Inc.
http://www.ringgold.com/
Full Text:
9781845119812
Apocalyptic Islam and Iranian Shi'ism.
Amanat, Abbas.
I.B. Tauris & Co.
2009
286 pages
$36.00
Paperback
Library of modern religion; 4
BP63
This collection of 10 articles written by Amanat (history, Yale U.) over the course of twenty years are
thematically unified by their attention to apocalyptic and messianic aspects of Shi'a Islam and to their
influence over judicial, clerical, and ritualistic dimensions of Shi'ism in Iran and its neighbors. Beyond that
theme, the articles traverse broad chronological and topical ground, offering examinations of such subjects
as the Nujtavi movement of the 15th to 17th century, the reactions of mujtahids (religious scholars) to
Christian evangelicalism in the early 19th century, the nature of the clerical hierarchy and the emergence of
the "source of emulations" in the 19th century as the form of clerical authority, the changes in
understandings of clerical authority promoted by Ayatollah Khomenei, the role of the American "Great
Satan" in achieving discipline over the revolutionary self and its roots in the demonology of Cold War
propaganda, and expressions of popular piety in contemporary Iran. Distributed in the US by Palgrave
Macmillan.
([c]2010 Book News, Inc., Portland, OR)
Source Citation (MLA 8th
Edition)
"Apocalyptic Islam and Iranian Shi'ism." Reference & Research Book News, Aug. 2010. General OneFile,
http://link.galegroup.com/apps/doc/A233055209/ITOF?u=schlager&sid=ITOF&xid=6fbcf762.
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Pivot of the Universe: Nasir al-Din Shah
Qajar and the Iranian Monarchy, 1831-
1896
Michel M. Mazzaoui
The Historian.
61.3 (Spring 1999): p649.
COPYRIGHT 1999 Phi Alpha Theta, History Honor Society, Inc.
Full Text:
Pivot of the Universe: Nasir al-Din Shah Qajar and the Iranian Monarchy, 1831-1896. By Abbas Amanat.
(Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1997. Pp. xix, 536. $45.00.)
The author of this book is an established authority on the modern history of Iran, especially the period of
the Qajar dynasty (1895-1925). The bibliography in the present volume lists as many as 21 of his writings,
all of which deal with various aspects of Qajar history. In this monograph, Abbas Amanat has chosen the
life and times of Nasir al-Din Shah, the longest ruling monarch of the Qajar dynasty, who reigned from
1848 to 1896 (the date of 1831 in the title was the year of his birth). Three rulers preceded him (Agha
Muhammad Khan, Fath Ali Shah, and Muhammad Shah) and three rulers came after him (Muzaffar al-Din
Shah, Muhammad Ali Shah, and Sultan Ahmad Shah)--all of whom deserve a biography like this one.
The discussion, which covers the main events of the Shah's reign, concentrates on the first half of his reign
from 1848 to 1871, making the reader wonder if a second volume is to be expected. Amanat intends to
answer a fundamental question: "How did monarchy, the centerpiece of an ancient political order, withstand
and adjust to the challenges of modern times, both international and domestic? (Preface, xiii). Keeping his
subject under close scrutiny, the author hints at an answer that emphasizes the Shah's "nascent patriotism"
which in turn "helped preserve his kingdom's territorial integrity" (xvi).
The remainder of the book discusses various premises in meaningful details and in an original and attractive
style. This is done in nine lengthy chapters and an epilogue. The treatment is chronological throughout the
study with sometimes curious titles and subtitles that some readers might not find very helpful in following
the general threads of the story, for example, "A Mirror for the Prince"; "Machination and Mutiny"; "An
Inadvertent Victim"; "The Prophet and the Priests"; "Ruinous Fever"; and "In the House of Oblivion" Many
of these titles sound more like novels than chapters in a scholarly biography.
The author ends his book with a useful list of abbreviations, notes, and a comprehensive bibliography,
divided into unpublished Persian sources, unpublished European sources, published works in Persian and
Arabic, and published works in European languages.
The work deals primarily with this one ruler, Nasir al-Din Shah, but throughout its pages there is discussion
of the Iranian monarchy and the position of the Shah in the imperial system. Amanat spells this out by
stating that "Increasingly the Qajar Shah upheld his royal supremacy over the `Guarded Domains' of Iran
not so much by military force and administrative surveillance as by royal grandiosity, symbolic
punishments and rewards, and sheer political maneuvering" (13). This view is applied to his subject in the
Epilogue: "Nasir al-Din's monarchy was built on the symbolism of might and sovereignty and on the image
of the Shah's religiosity and rectitude" (440).
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The mixture of narrative history and analytical reflections on Iran's monarchical traditions found in this
book is, in the opinion of this reviewer, the strength of Amanat's Pivot of the Universe. It is a work of
<
serve as a model for similar undertakings in Persian Qajar history, and even in contemporary Arab and
Ottoman Turkish history. The book also contains a great collection of pictures with informative captions,
including some curious caricatures by Nasir al-Din himself. Some errors mar the text. For example, Ali was
not "the Third Shi'ite Imam" (487, n. 41). He was the first. There are also quite a number of spelling and
typesetting errors.
Michel M. Mazzaoui
University of Utah
Source Citation (MLA 8th
Edition)
Mazzaoui, Michel M. "Pivot of the Universe: Nasir al-Din Shah Qajar and the Iranian Monarchy, 1831-
1896." The Historian, vol. 61, no. 3, 1999, p. 649. General OneFile,
http://link.galegroup.com/apps/doc/A55426763/ITOF?u=schlager&sid=ITOF&xid=a18c0b03.
Accessed 17 May 2018.
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Shari'a; Islamic law in the contemporary
context
Reference & Research Book News.
23.1 (Feb. 2008):
COPYRIGHT 2008 Ringgold, Inc.
http://www.ringgold.com/
Full Text:
9780804756396
Shari'a; Islamic law in the contemporary context.
Ed. by Abbas Amanat and Frank Griffel.
Stanford U. Press
2007
249 pages
$45.00
Hardcover
KBP440
Under the weight of massive propaganda by Western interests, shari'a is now widely considered
synonymous with the oppression of women, cutting off of heads, and other barbarities. Here Western
historians, law scholars, social scientists, and others look at Islamic law in the context both of Islamic
society and the modern world generally.
([c]20082005 Book News, Inc., Portland, OR)
Source Citation (MLA 8th
Edition)
"Shari'a; Islamic law in the contemporary context." Reference & Research Book News, Feb. 2008. General
OneFile, http://link.galegroup.com/apps/doc/A174601195/ITOF?
u=schlager&sid=ITOF&xid=9ff96a6e. Accessed 17 May 2018.
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Pivot of the Universe: Nasir al-Din Shah
Oajar and the Iranian Monarchy, 1831-
1896
Todd Lawson
Canadian Journal of History.
33.1 (Apr. 1998): p137+.
COPYRIGHT 1998 University of Toronto Press
http://www.usask.ca/history/cjh/
Full Text:
Pivot of the Universe: Nasir al-Din Shah Oajar and the Iranian Monarchy, 1831-1896, by Abbas Amanat.
Berkeley, California, University of California Press, 1997. xxiii, 536 pp. $45.00 U.S.
Amanat treats the question "how did monarchy, the centerpiece of an ancient political order, withstand and
adjust to the challenges of modern times, both international and domestic?" The lens through which this
investigation is pursued is the life of one of the more successful monarchs in history (if success is judged by
length of reign). Nasir al-Din (1831-96) came to the throne through a gauntlet of intrigue and betrayal at the
age of seventeen in 1848 and remained there until his assassination in 1896, making his life, if not his reign,
roughly parallel to Victoria's (1837-1901). It is only natural that such a comparison be made in that
"Britain" (like "Russia") is a major character in this exceedingly interesting and beautifully written book --
written in a style that can appeal to both the specialist and the nonspecialist. In the process of describing the
rise of the Qajar dynasty out of its tribal matrix, Amanat sheds much light on a period beginning with the
demise of the great Safavid dynasty and empire (frequently dated at 1722) and, because of a truly revelatory
epilogue that takes the reader up to the present, with no terminus ad quem, although the official stopping
date is 1871 which the author holds represents the end of the first phase of Nasir ad-Din's reign. Ultimately,
this book is about many things: the relationship between nomadic tribalism and royalty, the relationship
between religion and state, the relationship between a boy who would be king and his parents, the education
of the boy, the encounter of east and west in the nineteenth century, the nature of Iranian court intrigue, the
influence of the harem (including the shah's favourite cat), megalomania, the modern formation of
Afghanistan, Shi'ism and geopolitics (the Anglo-Persian confrontation had nothing to do with Islam) and, of
course, political power and how to keep it.
The volume consists of nine chapters, which are supplemented by forty fascinating illustrations. One very
clear map and a useful genealogical tree appear just before the introduction (pp. 1-21). Notes (pp. 451-504),
bibliography (pp. 505-518), and index (pp. 519-536) supply a technically near-perfect critical apparatus
(apart from one or two errors in Arabic transliteration, for example, pp. 70-71 & 521) which reflects the
care taken in producing the book as a whole -- something worthy of remark these days.
As an Islamicist, I was very interested in the way this Qajar monarchy under <
(p. 407) a certain pattern of policy and attitude established by the young shah would be reflected in the
Pahlavi period (1925-79) which was brought to a dramatic (if not cinematic) end by the revolution of the
Mullas led by Khomeini. Indeed, the world was flummoxed in the face of a successful "Third World"
revolution of religious inspiration. But Nasir ad-Din seems to have taken religion more seriously than his
Pahlavi successors. Perhaps this was due to the Babi threat which welcomed him to the throne and a few
years later actually made an assault on his life. The Babi movement from the very beginning had isolated
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two segments of the Iranian polity for special condemnation and challenge: 1) the shah and his ministers
and 2) the Shi'ite clergy. Moreover, these challenges had been put forth in the name of a realized Shi'i
messianism, a profoundly momentous current in Iranian history. Amanat points out that after the Babis were
neutralized by the combined forces of the clergy and the government, the shah would face no further serious
threat to his authority until the famous tobacco protests in 1891-92. Having quashed the odious Babi heresy,
he remained irreversibly the "King of the Shi'ites" and defender of the faithful despite his somewhat
scandalous behaviour both at home and abroad. The question naturally arises: had the Pahlavi's faced
similar challenges at the beginning of their reign, it is possible there would have been no Islamic revolution
at all. The political lessons learnt by Nasir al-Din Shah would stand him in such good stead that it would be
only by assassination that his power could be taken from him. Reza Shah Pahlavi, on the other hand,
attempted to compete with the Islam of the Shi'ite clergy by actually starting his own religion -- the
disgraced Reza Shah was run out of his own country by the Muslim faithful.
But, the lasting image, despite his great success and longevity, is of a frightened bird in a sumptuously
ornate gilded cage. It seems that Nasir al-Din Shah was destined to thus dramatize his close kinship with his
royal cousins throughout the world.
Source Citation (MLA 8th
Edition)
Lawson, Todd. "Pivot of the Universe: Nasir al-Din Shah Oajar and the Iranian Monarchy, 1831-1896."
Canadian Journal of History, vol. 33, no. 1, 1998, p. 137+. General OneFile,
http://link.galegroup.com/apps/doc/A20856376/ITOF?u=schlager&sid=ITOF&xid=89be4458.
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Pivot of the Universe: Nasir al-Din Shah
Qajar and the Iranian Monarchy, 1831-
1896
Michael Cook
The Journal of Interdisciplinary History.
28.3 (Winter 1998): p504+.
COPYRIGHT 1998 Massachusetts Institute of Technology
http://www.mitpressjournals.org/
Full Text:
This book is a "case study of monarchy in transition" (xvii). The transition in question starts from a past
that, without much strain, could be described as medieval; it extends some way toward a future that -
despite the recent efforts of the Mollahs - is to a significant degree modern and Westernized. Falling
haplessly between the two stools is the undignified and unsympathetic figure of Nasir al-Din Shah,<< a
neglected child who grew up to be a spoilt but often frustrated adult.>> From his accession in 1848 to his
rather pointless assassination in 1896, he ruled Iran in a manner that was thoroughly uninspiring, and yet
clever enough to postpone the deluge - the Constitutional Revolution and the Anglo-Russian occupation -
until the early years of the next century.
The book begins with the Qajar dynastic background and a sketch of the early life of Nasir al-Din. It then
covers the first half of his reign (from 1848 to 1871) in rich and colorful detail; this is the core of the book.
By contrast, the period after 1871 is relegated to an epilogue, with the possibility of a companion volume to
come.
Even for the period from 1848 to 1871, the book should not be mistaken for a general history of Iran. It
does, of course, touch on many wider themes in the history of the country. At one point, for example, the
women of Tehran force their way onto the political stage, physically attacking representatives of the state
during riots against the high price of bread. Similarly, British and Russian envoys come and go, often with
dramatic effect. But the book is not a contribution to the social history of Iran, nor to the understanding of
the thinking behind the foreign policies of the powers. And while the British and French archives are
extensively used alongside Iranian sources, those of Russia are left untouched.
Instead, the focus of the work is on Nasir al-Din, his ministers, his relatives, his wives, his concubines, what
they were up to, and what they liked to think or have it thought they were up to. The result is a readable and
fascinating study. It is<
decades. Thus European doctors competed with local counterparts, whereas astrology seems to have
remained a native preserve. In the fantasy of world conquest, Napoleon became a role model alongside such
traditional worthies as Jenghiz Khan, Tamerlane, and Nadir Shah. But in real life, ferocious invasions of
India gave way to touristic excursions to Europe, and the thrill of looting was replaced by the gentler
pleasures of shopping. In the course of these travels, the Pivot of the Universe displayed a grasp of
European table manners that greatly relieved an anxious Queen Victoria, but he never quite mastered the
recalcitrant and elusive linguistic structures of French.
The book is open to two obvious criticisms. One is editorial carelessness. The other is that the author has
little to say about the wider phenomenon of which the book is presented as a case study. Yet <
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<
Michael Cook Princeton University
Source Citation (MLA 8th
Edition)
Cook, Michael. "Pivot of the Universe: Nasir al-Din Shah Qajar and the Iranian Monarchy, 1831-1896."
The Journal of Interdisciplinary History, vol. 28, no. 3, 1998, p. 504+. General OneFile,
http://link.galegroup.com/apps/doc/A20436570/ITOF?u=schlager&sid=ITOF&xid=a08ac8f2.
Accessed 17 May 2018.
Gale Document Number: GALE|A20436570