Project and content management for Contemporary Authors volumes
WORK TITLE: Bloomberg
WORK NOTES:
PSEUDONYM(S):
BIRTHDATE:
WEBSITE:
CITY: Bronx
STATE: NY
COUNTRY:
NATIONALITY:
https://www.linkedin.com/in/chris-mcnickle-7a407837/ * https://www.historians.org/x18780
RESEARCHER NOTES:
LC control no.: n 92086127
LCCN Permalink: https://lccn.loc.gov/n92086127
HEADING: McNickle, Chris
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670 __ |a His To be mayor of New York, 1992: |b CIP t.p. (Chris McNickle)
670 __ |a His Power of the mayor, 2012: |b CIP galley t.p. (Christopher J. McNickle) CIP application data (global head of Institutional Business at Fidelity Worldwide Investment in London. Earned doctorate in U.S. history from Univ of Chicago)
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PERSONAL
Male.
EDUCATION:University of Pennsylvania, B.A. (magna cum laude), 1979; University of Chicago, Ph.D.
ADDRESS
CAREER
City of New York, former pension fund consultant to Human Resources Administration; Prudential Retirement Services, former senior vice president; J.P. Morgan Investment Management, former leader of business strategy department; Greenwich Associates, Stamford, CT, managing director, 2002-11; Fidelity Worldwide Investments, London, England, global head of institutional business, 2011-13; retired, 2013. Chartered financial analyst; guest on business television programs.
MEMBER:American Historical Association, New York Society of Security Analysts.
WRITINGS
Contributor to periodicals, including Financial Times.
SIDELIGHTS
Chris McNickle describes himself as a retired institutional investment management professional. He is a chartered financial analyst and a member of the New York Society of Security Analysts. McNickle’s educational background includes a degree in economics and international relations as well as a doctorate in history. He became the treasurer of the American Historical Association in 2015. McNickle worked for giants of the financial services industry: Fidelity International, Greenwich Associates, J.P. Morgan, and Prudential, but he also worked as a pension fund consultant for the Human Resources Administration of the city of New York. His work gave him ample opportunity to observe the administrative and political power brokers responsible for running the largest city in the United States: the mayors.
To Be Mayor of New York
McNickle’s first book grew out of his doctoral dissertation. To Be Mayor of New York: Ethnic Succession in the City is an overview, albeit encyclopedic in scope, of more than 100 years of municipal leadership. The city of New York has undergone many changes since 1886, when the Statue of Liberty first welcomed the tired, the poor, the huddled masses who flooded New York Harbor with dreams of freedom. They came in waves: Irish, Italian, Hispanic, Catholic, Jewish, black, and they shaped the political complexion of the city. Despite their differences, these newcomers shared similar concerns. Like the established, majority white population, they wanted jobs, affordable housing, educational opportunity, public safety, and other city services. How did these new voters choose their mayor? They looked for social, ethnic, and religious connections. How would a prospective mayor develop a campaign platform? Throughout McNickle’s historical perspective the successful candidates favored style over substance. They presented the image that matched the vision of the greatest number of potential voters. Therefore, as Sam Roberts explained in his New York Times book review, “Mayoral campaigns are a continuum punctuated by periodical pauses for governing.”
McNickle discusses a chronological series of New York mayors within an ethnic context. The alliance of black, Hispanic, and Jewish voters for John Lindsay in 1965 gave way to the coalition of middle-class Catholic and Jewish supporters of Ed Koch in 1977. Twenty years later, the city’s first black mayor, David Dinkins, garnered the support of minorities. McNickle attributes the success of these alliances to the relative dearth of divisive campaign issues, according to a Publishers Weekly contributor. Roberts called To Be Mayor of New York “an engaging history” enlivened to some extent by “revealing anecdotes gleaned from the author’s own interviews.”
The Power of the Mayor
McNickle’s next book focused on a single mayor. The Power of the Mayor: David Dinkins, 1990-1993 is the story of New York’s first African-American mayor. According to McNickle, Dinkins offers the example of a mayor whose hegemony was cut short by a failed image that overshadowed a term of substantial achievement. Dinkins came into office when the city was plagued by rising crime rates, increasing homelessness, police profiling, and economic stress. All of these factors weighed heavily upon the black and Latino communities in 1989, and the time was ripe for the election of a person of color.
Dinkins scored major accomplishments during his four-year term. He balanced four annual budgets in a row, averted a state takeover of the city’s beleaguered finances, expanded the police force, reduced the crime rate, improved access to affordable housing for the poor, and even tackled the abysmal condition of the public school system. None of these achievements would earn him a second term in office.
McNickle attributes the failure to the convergence of two forces: image and luck. Nick Juravich explained in Dissent: “Dinkins was a poor manager of his public image and an ineffective decision-maker” in situations that called for urgency and positive media coverage. He was also, according to Jerald Podair’s review at the Gotham Center for New York History Website, “an extraordinarily unlucky leader.” Dinkins came very close to winning reelection. He lost, due in part to a series of small defections from within the disparate white community that he had struggled to assimilate into a united front in the fight for equality. “Dinkins sought a center that could not hold,” Podair summarized.
“McNickle’s account … is at its best when it takes on the intersection of popular perception and governance,” Juravich commented. Podair called The Power of the Mayor a “deeply researched, perceptive, and fair-minded study … as detailed and balanced as we are likely to get from any biographer.” A commentator at the Midwest Book Review deemed it “informed, informative, insightful, detailed, and superbly written.”
A Billionaire's Ambition
In 2001 Michael Bloomberg became the first billionaire to win the New York City mayoral election. He walked into the office just months after the terrorist destruction of the World Trade Center on September 11 and served for twelve turbulent years before being replaced by Bill de Blasio. McNickle describes those years in Bloomberg: A Billionaire’s Ambition.
Bloomberg did not seek office for the money; in fact, he reportedly spent $74 million to win the seat and accepted only a token $1 salary per annum. He was not aligned with political party agendas; the longtime Democrat registered as a Republican in order to win the first election and as an Independent after winning the second. Bloomberg’s goal was to transform a stagnant city into his personal vision for a dynamic future. He inherited numerous problems and left new ones for his successor, but Bloomberg changed the face of his hometown in several ways that outlasted his term of office.
McNickle summarizes Bloomberg’s rise from a middle-class background to the economic stratosphere. His focus is the mayor’s far-reaching political agenda and his indefatigable self-confidence. McNickle divides the volume topically into chapters on Bloomberg’s contributions to safety, education, and health, for example. He ends each chapter with his own opinion of “what worked, what didn’t and what mattered most,” according to an article by David Leonhardt in the New York Times Book Review.
The book ends with a chapter on Bloomberg’s failures and achievements and a summary discussion of his legacy. Bloomberg rebuilt the Twin Towers and revitalized the city and waterfront. He spearheaded health initiatives against smoking and obesity, but not every policy was deemed a complete success. Bloomberg reduced crime, a victory countered by his support of the controversial “stop and frisk” practice of the New York Police Department. He improved residential neighborhoods, but the gentrification process displaced many low-income residents and may have contributed to increases in the homeless population. Overall, however, Leonhardt reported that McNickle paints Bloomberg as “a remarkably successful mayor.”
“McNickle covers a lot of ground capably,” observed a Kirkus Reviews contributor, but the biography is “probably best suited to those inclined to be well-disposed toward Bloomberg.” Library Journal contributor Michael Rodriguez concluded: “The market remains ripe for a more critical biography.” While Leonhardt acknowledged that Bloomberg “lacks the panache and fresh detail of some political histories,” he concluded that McNickle “has done something valuable.”
BIOCRIT
PERIODICALS
Kirkus Reviews, July 15, 2017, review of Bloomberg: A Billionaire’s Ambition.
Library Journal, August 1, 2017, Michael Rodriguez, review of Bloomberg, p. 101.
New York Times, April 18, 1993, Sam Roberts, review of To Be Mayor of New York: Ethnic Succession in the City.
New York Times Book Review, September 17, 2017, David Leonhardt, review of Bloomberg, p. BR17.
Publishers Weekly, February 22, 1993, review of To Be Mayor of New York, p. 78; June 12, 2017, review of Bloomberg, p. 51.
ONLINE
American Historical Association Website, https://www.historians.org/ (April 6, 2018), author profile.
Dissent Magazine Online, https://www.dissentmagazine.org/ (May 2, 2013), Nick Juravich, review of The Power of the Mayor: David Dinkins, 1990-1993.
Gotham Center for New York History Website, https://www.gothamcenter.org/ (February 18, 2016), Jerald Podair, review of The Power of the Mayor.
Midwest Book Review, http://www.midwestbookreview.com (January 1, 2013), review of The Power of the Mayor.
New York Times Online, https://www.nytimes.com/ (April 18, 1993), Sam Roberts, review of To Be Mayor of New York; (November 30, 2012), Sam Roberts, review of The Power of the Mayor; (September 13, 2017 ), David Leonhardt, review of Bloomberg.
Chris McNickle
Institutional Investment Management Professional
Fidelity International University of Pennsylvania
Greater New York City Area 122 122 connections
InMail Send an InMail to Chris McNickle More actions
Retired financial service executive who serves as Treasurer of the American Historical Association. Author of books about New York City politics.
Experience
Fidelity International
Global Head of Institutional Investments
Company NameFidelity International
Dates EmployedJun 2011 – Dec 2013 Employment Duration2 yrs 7 mos
Greenwich Associates
Managing Director
Company NameGreenwich Associates
Dates EmployedApr 2002 – Mar 2011 Employment Duration9 yrs
Education
University of Pennsylvania
University of Pennsylvania
Degree NameBA Field Of StudyEconomics and International Relations
Dates attended or expected graduation 1975 – 1979
Magna Cum Laude
University of Chicago
University of Chicago
Degree NamePhD Field Of StudyAmerican History (United States) Activities and Societies: Author of "Bloomberg: A Billionaire's Ambition," and "To Be Mayor of New York: Ethnic Politics in the City" and "The Power of the Mayor: David Dinkins 1990-1993."
Volunteer Experience
American Historical Association
Treasurer
Company NameAmerican Historical Association
Dates volunteered2015 – Present Volunteer duration3 yrs
Cause Education
Chris McNickle
Treasurer
Chris McNickle is treasurer of the American Historical Association. He is a member of the finance committee and chairman of the Investment Subcommittee responsible for managing the AHA Endowment.
He has been global head of institutional business for Fidelity International and managing director and head of the global investment management practice of Greenwich Associates serving on the Global Operating Committees of both firms. In previous roles he led the business strategy department at JP Morgan Investment Management and was a senior vice president at Prudential Retirement Services. He has over 20 years’ experience in the asset management industry.
Chris graduated magna cum laude from the University of Pennsylvania with a BA in economics and international relations, and he holds a PhD in United States history from the University of Chicago. He is author of To Be Mayor of New York: Ethnic Politics in the City, The Power of the Mayor: David Dinkins 1990-1993 and the forthcoming Bloomberg: A Billionaire’s Ambition, as well as many articles on New York City politics. He has also published commentary on investment topics in the Financial Times, P&I, and other industry publications and has appeared on Bloomberg News, CNBC, and other business television programs. He holds the chartered financial analyst designation and is a member of the New York Society of Security Analysts.
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Print Marked Items
McNickle , Chris: BLOOMBERG
Kirkus Reviews.
(July 15, 2017):
COPYRIGHT 2017 Kirkus Media LLC
http://www.kirkusreviews.com/
Full Text:
McNickle , Chris BLOOMBERG Skyhorse Publishing (Adult Nonfiction) $24.99 9, 5 ISBN: 978-1-5107-
2257-6
A biography of three-term New York mayor Michael Bloomberg (b. 1942).There was a time, early on in
Bloomberg's bid for the mayoralty of New York, that someone leaked a gag gift given to him by his staff, a
30-page compendium of foulmouthed, cynical sayings--"politically incorrect does not begin to describe
them," writes McNickle, a former executive in global investment firms and treasurer of the American
Historical Association. Consternation ensued, as political opponents lodged charges of racism, sexism, and
classism in a race that got ever more heated--and, as the author writes, ever costlier, with Bloomberg, a
media and real estate billionaire, spending $74 million to his Democratic opponent's $16.6 million. The bigticket
aspect of the narrative is a constant, for Bloomberg had endless resources and was committed to
converting the city from "an unintended monument to time-gone-by into a place where the future could
happen." In the course of that transformation, McNickle writes, large portions of the city became
unaffordable, "one of the root causes of the long-standing homeless crisis." The author credits Bloomberg
for some innovations in government operations but, in some of the sharpest critiques of the book, also notes
that the current mayor, Bill de Blasio inherited a fantastic mess in terms of public housing and anti-poverty
programs. Bloomberg also was slow to support the living wage, saying, "the last time we really had a big
managed economy was the USSR and that didn't work out so well." Unafraid to use numbers or evoke fiscal
policy, <
market solutions to social problems, placing him as an economic and social centrist in a time of increasingly
fringe-driven politics. A sturdy biography; though not uncritical, <
Source Citation (MLA 8th
Edition)
"McNickle , Chris: BLOOMBERG." Kirkus Reviews, 15 July 2017. General OneFile,
http://link.galegroup.com/apps/doc/A498344966/ITOF?u=schlager&sid=ITOF&xid=f04f1058.
Accessed 25 Mar. 2018.
Gale Document Number: GALE|A498344966
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Bloomberg: A Billionaire's Ambition
Publishers Weekly.
264.24 (June 12, 2017): p51+.
COPYRIGHT 2017 PWxyz, LLC
http://www.publishersweekly.com/
Full Text:
Bloomberg: A Billionaire's Ambition
Chris McNickle. Skyhorse, $27.99 (448p) ISBN 978-1-5107-2257-6
McNickle (The Power of the Mayor: David Dinkins: 1990-1993), writes a thorough account of Michael
Bloomberg's 12 years as mayor. The author avoids the personal, briefly describing his subject's middleclass
upbringing and meteoric business career, and focuses instead on Bloomberg's many political achievements,
with an occasional look at his failures. Bloomberg is quoted describing himself as having "unbridled
enthusiasm and a belief that anything is possible." He pursued an ambitious agenda, taking on the problems
of the country's largest city with the certainty that he could solve them. McNickle praises Bloomberg but
can be critical as well. He cites the mayor's major achievements as averting economic disaster, keeping the
city safe after 9/11, rebuilding the Twin Towers district, and using his business expertise to improve the
city's finances. However, McNickle argues, Bloomberg was less successful with schools, affordable housing
and transportation, and alleviating income inequality. He is particularly critical of the huge amounts
Bloomberg spent on his campaigns and how he overrode existing law to run for a third term. McNickle has
created a comprehensive look at Bloomberg's unique ability to take on New York City's myriad problems.
(Sept.)
Source Citation (MLA 8th
Edition)
"Bloomberg: A Billionaire's Ambition." Publishers Weekly, 12 June 2017, p. 51+. General OneFile,
http://link.galegroup.com/apps/doc/A495720696/ITOF?u=schlager&sid=ITOF&xid=882354bb.
Accessed 25 Mar. 2018.
Gale Document Number: GALE|A495720696
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To Be Mayor of New York: Ethnic
Succession in New York City
Publishers Weekly.
240.8 (Feb. 22, 1993): p78.
COPYRIGHT 1993 PWxyz, LLC
http://www.publishersweekly.com/
Full Text:
TO BE MAYOR OF NEW YORK:
Etlmie Succession in New York City Chris McNickle. Columbia Univ., $29.95 (416p) ISBN 0-231-07636-3
This densely detailed account of the New York mayoralty moves chronologically from 1881 to 1989,
focusing on the ethnic role in elections, not the governance of the city. McNickle, a pension fund consultant
who has worked for the New York City Human Resources Administration, describes how shifting alliances
of Irish, Jewish and Italian New Yorkers dominated the city's politics until the late '50s. As the political
machine crumbled, blacks and Puerto Ricans added new elements to the mix. While John Lindsay managed
to build a liberal coalition of blacks, Hispanics and Jews in 1969, it was shattered by rising black-Jewish
conflict. A new middle-class Catholic-Jewish coalition elected Abraham Beame and Edward Koch in the
1970s. McNickle cites the support of minorities, especially Hispanics, in the 1989 election of David
Dinkins, the city's first black mayor. Only in a final chapter does McNickle offer analytical reflection; in it
he suggests, arguably, that the absence of campaign issues helps explain the strength of ethnic voting
patterns. Photos not seen by PW. (Apr.)
Source Citation (MLA 8th
Edition)
"To Be Mayor of New York: Ethnic Succession in New York City." Publishers Weekly, 22 Feb. 1993, p. 78.
General OneFile, http://link.galegroup.com/apps/doc/A13545413/ITOF?
u=schlager&sid=ITOF&xid=58556e28. Accessed 25 Mar. 2018.
Gale Document Number: GALE|A13545413
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Social sciences
Library Journal.
142.13 (Aug. 1, 2017): p101+.
COPYRIGHT 2017 Library Journals, LLC. A wholly owned subsidiary of Media Source, Inc. No
redistribution permitted.
http://www.libraryjournal.com/
Full Text:
BIOGRAPHY
Eger, Edith Eva. The Choice: Embrace the Possible. Scribner. Sept. 2017. 304p. ISBN 9781501130786.
$26; ebk. ISBN 9781501130816. BIOG
Clinical psychologist Eger (b. 1927) presents a searing firsthand account of surviving the Holocaust in this
heartfelt memoir of trauma, resilience, and hope. At age 16, Eger and her family were sent from their home
in Kosice, Hungary, to Auschwitz, where her parents died in the gas chamber. Eger and her sister barely
survived a brutal period of confinement, forced marches, and near starvation in Auschwitz and other
concentration camps before U.S. troops liberated their camp in 1945. The author eloquently examines the
ongoing process of personal growth and recovery as she later becomes a wife, mother, and psychologist.
She provides useful guidance on healing and dealing with adversity based on her own experiences, as well
as compelling examples from her psychology practice focused on treating PTSD. Offering a gripping
survival story and hard-won wisdom for facing the painful impact of trauma on the human psyche, this
valuable work bears witness to the strength of the human spirit to overcome unfathomable evil. VERDICT
Best-suited to readers seeking inspiration in difficult times and those interested in the Holocaust, PTSD,
psychology, or coping with trauma. [See Prepub Alert, 4/3/17.]--Ingrid Levin, Salve Regina Univ. Lib.,
Newport, Rl ebk. ISBN 9780802189158. MEMOIR
Powerful and troubling, cookbook author LeFavour's (Fish) memoir of temporary insanity and eventual
redemption is a voyeuristic portrayal of a young woman's descent into a state of self-destruction that
eventually culminates in a stint in a mental institution. Bulimia, self-mutilation, and transference are central
factors in the author's story; the detail in which the pleasure /pain of burning is described reveals much
about the writer's mental state and serves as a harrowing, realistic representation of the compulsion to selfharm.
The narrative often reads as a stream-of-consciousness, in which a collection of thoughts, anxiety,
and mental lists add an extra layer of truth to the representation of personality disorder and the stages that
mark the progress of a mental breakdown. At times narcissistic, LaFavour's voice can be exasperating. Her
privilege is evident, and her story may not resonate with all readers. Moreover, the descriptions of self-harm
may be triggers for some audiences. VERDICT Combining medical records with a deeply personal
narrative, this unique exploration of mental health and therapy deserves a place among memoirs such as
Susanna Kay's Girl, Interrupted, and Elizabeth Wurtzel's Prozac Nation.--Gricel Dominguez, Florida
International Univ. Lib.
[ILLUSTRATION OMITTED]
McNickle, Chris. Bloomberg: A Billionaire's Ambition. Skyhorse. Sept. 2017.460p. illus. notes, bibliog.
ISBN 9781510722576. $27.99. BIOG
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Billionaire Michael Bloomberg (b. 1942) served as New York City's mayor from 2002 to 2013, first as a
Republican and eventually as an Independent. During three terms in office, he presided over economic
growth and falling crime but also provoked controversy for embracing the "stop-and-frisk" police tactic,
widely condemned as racist and ultimately ruled unconstitutional. Ruling a business empire that includes
Bloomberg.com, the politician was the first New York billionaire to win major elected office. Surprisingly,
only two book-length biographies of the mayor existed before now: Joyce Purnick's Mike Bloomberg, and
the autobiographical Bloomberg on Bloomberg. A former financial-sector executive with a PhD in history,
McNickle satisfies the need for a current biography. After recapping Bloomberg's business successes and
personal life, McNickle delves into Bloomberg's mayoralty, organizing his narrative by topic instead of time
line, emphasizing policy decisions and execution. <
that grounds Bloomberg's leadership in the neoliberal vision arguably behind it. VERDICT A full, in-depth,
favorable study of Bloomberg's mayoralty and impact on New York City that will appeal to readers who
appreciate politics and political biographies--or who anticipate the billionaire's future presidential
ambitions.-Michael Rodriguez, Univ. of Connecticut
Taylor, Stephen. Defiance: The Extraordinary Life of Lady Anne Barnard. Norton. Jul. 2017.400p. photos,
notes, bibliog. index. ISBN 9780393248173. $28.95; ebk. ISBN 9780393248180. BIOG
Taylor (Storm and Conquest) has crafted an intricate and cozy biography of Lady Anne Barnard (1750-
1825) that illustrates the strength and vivacity that lit her from within. Barnard was an accomplished
Scottish woman of letters who was both of her time and beyond it. Born Lady Anne Lindsay, she had many
suitors and lovers but remained single until her 40s, vacillating often in her affections. In London, Barnard's
gift of social intercourse allowed her to count many of the most influential men of the times among her
circle, including the Prince Regent. It was considered a scandal when she married Andrew Barnard, a young
officer with no tide or wealth. She accompanied him to his post in South Africa, hiked mountains, reported
expertly on the state of the colony to her political friends, and, after Andrew's death, adopted a daughter he
had fathered by a slave. Infused with sections from her letters and an unpublished multivolume memoir, this
work brings Lady Anne's own voice to life. VERDICT Taylor's book will appeal to biography and history
lovers alike with its approachable style.-Stacy Shaw, Orange, CA
Wilson, Emily Herring. The Three Graces of Val-Kill: Eleanor Roosevelt, Marion Dickerman, and Nancy
Cook in the Place They Made Their Own. Univ. of North Carolina. Sept. 2017.232p. illus. notes, bibliog.
ISBN 9781469635835. $25; ebk. ISBN 9781469635842. BIOG
Wilson (No One Cardens Alone) provides a succinct, inspirational, and intimate look at the friendship
former first lady Eleanor Roosevelt shared with two free-spirited women in the home they created together
two miles east of the "Big House" in Hyde Park, NY. Marion Dickerman and Nancy Cook were Democratic
fieldworkers and lifelong partners who worked with Eleanor on a variety of projects, including the
Todhunter School on New York's East Side and Val-Kill Industries, a furniture factory that provided jobs to
rural farmers. Included are details about the home's financing, construction, and furnishing, and details of
the role that President Franklin D. Roosevelt played in its inception. Based on archival research and
interviews, Wilson's narrative describes the role that female friendships played throughout Eleanor's life,
specifically during the 1920s. The author skillfully interweaves the story of Val-Kill with larger themes in
her subject's life, such as Eleanor's troubled marriage, children's relationships, and personal and political
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friendships. VERDICT For general readers, especially those interested in feminist biography. Those curious
about the history and landscape of the Hudson Valley will also appreciate this detailed view of the litde
cottage on Fall-Kill Creek and its environs.--Marie M. Mullaney, Caldwell Coll., NJ
COMMUNICATIONS
Shea, Gerald. The Language of Light: A History of Silent Voices. Yale.
Aug. 2017.288p. illus. notes, bibliog. index. ISBN 9780300215434. $26. COMM
In this thought-provoking and thorough history of the failures and successes associated with the education
of the Deaf, Shea (Song Without Words) writes an in-depth historical time line from the 16th-century "Age
of Darkness" to the present. His primary focus is the conflict between oralists, hearing educators who insist
on teaching oral speech, and advocates of sign language, his "language of light." Shea effectively argues
that sign language is speech and the natural language of the Deaf; a language that is seen rather than heard.
He further argures that depriving students of sign language stifles their ability to learn and communicate and
ultimately denies them of a human right. The author also traces this history of deaf education through both
teachers and important figures important on both sides of the conflict, including Auguste Bebian, Alexander
Graham Bell, Thomas Gallaudet, Helen Keller, and Noam Chomsky. This book provides fascinating
descriptions of the workings of the ear, the transmission of sound, and technological advances such as
cochlear implants. Extensive notes accompany each chapter. VERDICT A highly recommended and
important work that provides a convincing argument advocating change in society's attitudes toward the
Deaf.--Theresa Muraski, Univ. of Wisconsin-Stevens Point Lib.
EDUCATION
Flaum, Sander & Mechele Flaum. Boost Your Career: How To Make an Impact, Get Recognized, and Build
the Career You Want. Allworth: Skyhorse. Aug. 2017. 200p. notes, index. ISBN 9781621535690. $22.99.
CAREERS
Leadership consultant and speaker Sander Flaum (chair, Fordham Univ. Gabelli Graduate Sch. of Business
Administration Leadership Forum; Big Shoes: How Successjid Leaders Grow into New Roles) and his wife,
marketing consultant Mechele Flaum (coauthor, The 100-Mile Walk: A Father and Son on a Quest To Find
the Essence of Leadership), have crafted the manual for propelling your career forward with projects of
recognizable impact. They contend that working hard at your job is not enough in today's workplace; the
rules have changed. To work smarter and strategically, the Flaums suggest the following: understand your
current situation; learn to identify projects that are valued; garner support; implement impact projects; get
distance out of your successes; and stay self-aware, motivated, and ethical. Real-life examples from veteran
professionals, newly minted leaders in stretch roles, and entrepreneurs in a variety of industries illustrate the
Flaums' advice. Significant is the list of impact projects and their implementation. VERDICT Highly
recommended. This concise, well-researched, and insightful book is a must-read for students of business as
well as current industry professionals.--Jane Scott, Clark Lib., Univ. of Portland, OR
HISTORY
Dean, Josh. The Taking of K-129: How the CIA Used Howard Hughes To Steal a Russian Sub in the Most
Daring Covert Operation in History. Dutton. Sept. 2017.448p. illus. notes, bibliog. index. ISBN
9781101984437. $28; ebk. ISBN 9781101984444. HIST
In 1968, the Russian submarine K-129 disappeared in the Pacific Ocean northwest of Hawai'i. The Soviets
deployed a massive search but were unable to find the vessel. Using new underwater acoustic equipment,
the U.S. located the submarine and tried to do the impossible by raising it from three miles underneath the
ocean's surface to obtain the nuclear warheads and coding machine inside. Dean (The Life and Times of the
Stopwatch Gang) tells the story of the CIA's mission, the detailed operation required for raising a heavy
submarine intact from such an incredible depth, and how the agency collaborated with businessman Howard
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Hughes and his mining company. After being tasked with Project Azorian, CIA agent John Parangosky
spent six years engineering and problem-solving in secret. The stellar research Dean uses to tell this
captivating tale includes declassified primary documents, personal journals, and autobiographies.
VERDICT A Cold War espionage story that seems implausible yet is still true. Recommended for fans of
naval history, marine engineering, ocean mining, and spy stories. [See Prepub Alert, 3/27/17.]--Jason L.
Steagall, Gateway Technical Coll. Lib., Elkhorn, Wl
Engelstein, Laura. Russia in Flames: War, Revolution, Civil War, 1914-1921. Oxford Univ. Oct. 2017.
840p. ISBN 9780199794218. $39.95. HIST
At some point in their careers, almost all scholars of Russian and Soviet history write about the complex
period between the first Russian Revolution in 1905 and the final submission of the Basmachi insurrection
two decades later. Engelstein (history, Yale Univ; The Keys to Happiness) waited until her retirement to
tackle this task; as such, she succeeds in presenting a thorough history of these wars and revolutions in an
understandable and engaging manner. In this full, richly detailed study, the author effectively argues the
Bolsheviks were ultimately triumphant because they focused on power and were more willing to employ
violence against their adversaries, and one another, with horrific results. This volume will compete with
Jonathan Smele's The Russian Civil Wars, 1916-1926, and Richard Pipe's A Concise History of the Russian
Revolution for space on the shelf, but Engelstein's expertise in Russian cultural history offers new and
unique insights. VERDICT This comprehensive examination of the tragic, tumultuous, and violent period
marking the end of the Imperial Russian Empire and the beginning of the Soviet Union is recommended for
students and scholars of Russian and Soviet history, as well as anyone interested in social change.--Michael
McCarthy, Independent Scholar, Tampa
Fagan, Brian. Fishing: How the Sea Fed Civilization. Yale Univ. Sept. 2017. 368p. illus. maps, notes, index.
ISBN 9780300215342. $30. HIST
Fishing's role in the development of civilization has not received the kind of merit that history bestows upon
hunting and farming. Fagan (anthropology, Univ. of California, Santa Barbara; The Great Warming) aims to
change that, delving into the shallow-water opportunists of prehistory to the deep-sea trawlers of today. The
work begins in Africa, where our ancestors snatched catfish from shallow pools, then continues to describe
the rising global sea levels that followed the Ice Age through the classical, medieval, and modern eras.
Readers will discover a world history rich in fishing: from Scandinavian trappers to ancient Japanese fishers
to Chinese carp fishermen. Herring, cod, the Roman fish sauce garum, sturgeons, and shellfish are all
discussed. Historical ecological transformations, such as the end of the Ice Age, as well as contemporary
environmental concerns, including overfishing, are addressed, as are important human migrations, such as
the expansion of peoples from Asia to America. Fagan's style is academic yet accessible. VERDICT A
much-needed volume for serious students of world history. Highly recommended for readers interested in
archaeology, anthropology, ecology, and environmental science.--Jeffrey Meyer, Mt. Pleasant P.L., IA
Guardino, Peter. The Dead March: A History of the Mexican-American War. Harvard Univ. Aug.
2017.512p. illus. maps, notes, index. ISBN 9780674972346. $39.95. HIST
The U.S. war with Mexico (1846-48), an often overlooked part of American history, had a huge impact on
the development of both countries. Guardino (history, Indiana Univ.) presents the story of the war through
the eyes of common soldiers in Mexican and American armies, part of the recent trend in military history
studies by taking a social history approach. Through extensive research into Mexican and American
archives and using the diaries, letters, and recollections of soldiers at the front lines, he challenges the
common perception that the war was a U.S. victory because American soldiers were more loyal to their
country. By examining the motivations and viewpoints of fighters on both sides, Guardino presents a
balanced and deeper understanding of the war, challenging readers to determine why and how America
triumphed and the long-term ramifications for both countries. VERDICT This extremely well-researched
and highly readable book will appeal to those interested in military history and 19th-century American or
Mexican history.--Michael C. Miller, Austin P.L. & Austin History Ctr., TX
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* Hess, Earl J. The Battle of Peach Tree Creek: Hood's First Effort To Save Atlanta. Univ. of North
Carolina. Sept. 2017.344p. illus. maps, notes, bibliog. index. ISBN 9781469634197. $37.50; ebk. ISBN
9781469634203. HIST
Hess (Braxton Bragg) analyzes and evaluates the Battle of Peach Tree Creek's central role in the broader
context of the Atlanta Campaign of 1864. The Federal forces were led by George H. Thomas's Army of the
Cumberland, and the Rebel Army of Tennessee was initially commanded by Joseph E. Johnston and his
unpopular successor John Bell Hood. The author insists that the Confederacy's ensuing defeat might have
been avoided had Confederate President Jefferson Davis not relieved Johnston at such a critical point, when
the Federals crossed the Chattahoochee River and began pressuring the city of Atlanta. Hess finds Hood to
be inept, arguing that a combination of poor leadership, superior Union countermeasures, among other
issues made the difference at Peach Tree Creek. The North continued to dominate until the final
Confederate defeat at Jonesboro led to Hood's abandonment of Atlanta in September 1864. Closing chapters
deal with the disengagement of Federal and Confederate forces, treatment of the wounded, and glimpses
into the postwar lives of veterans. VERDICT An exquisitely detailed case study of one of the Confederacy's
worst military disasters. Highly recommended for Civil War and military historians, subject enthusiasts, and
all libraries.--John Carver Edwards, formerly with Univ. of Georgia Libs.
Hughes, Bettany. Istanbul: A Tale of Three Cities Da Capo: Perseus. Sept. 2017.856p. illus. maps, notes,
bibliog. index. ISBN 9780306825842.
$40; ebk. ISBN 9780306825859. HIST
Author, filmmaker, and documentarian Hughes (Helen of Troy; The Hemlock Cup) demonstrates a
passionate and keen eye for detail in her newest book covering the history of Istanbul from its classical
origins to the modern era. Despite its heft and tendency to delve into so much nuance that even the diet of
Constantinople's citizens in the late 900s CE is shared, this work is eminently readable and thorough.
Hughes balances especially well a study of one city with the commentary of greater time periods and
historic events taking place simultaneously around the world; the rich, cultural, religious, and social
presence of Istanbul's complex tale lends itself as an excellent focus. VERDICT A timely work, given
current events, and a powerful testimony to Istanbul's impact on culture, society, and religion over time.
Historians and lay readers alike will find this a welcome addition.-Elizabeth Zeitz, Otterbeln Univ. Lib.,
Westerville, OH
Lovell, Mary S. The Riviera Set: Glitz, Glamour, and the Hidden World of High Society Pegasus. Sept.
2017.448p. photos, notes, bibliog. index. ISBN 9781681775159. $27.95; ebk. ISBN 9781681775791. HIST
This work embodies a place with personality and panache--the French Riviera, particularly the Chateau de
L'Horizon. Lovell (The Churchills: In Love and War, The Sisters: The Saga of the Mitford Family) does a
fine job in providing the gossip without salaciousness in this well-researched volume that takes readers
from the villa's original builder, constructed in 1932 by architect Barry Dierks for actress and
businesswoman Maxine Elliott, to the glamour of its final resident, Italian Prince Aly Khan. Elliott's most
famous friend was British prime minister Winston Churchill, who came to the estate to paint and relax
during the interwar years. Later occupied during World War II by the Germans, its magic was revived under
Khan's ownership and instrumental in his wooing of his second wife, Rita Hayworth. Although an enjoyable
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read, this book does suffer from some uneven treatment. The sections describing Elliott and Churchill's
relationship and the biographical information about Khan are particularly strong; however, some details
seem unimportant in the context of the history. VERDICT Entertaining and well cited, this work best suits
audiences interested in the unknown stories of the jet-setters of the 1930s and 1950s and fans of the
Countess of Carnarvon's Lady Almina and the Real Downton Abbey.--Maria Bagshaw, Elgin Community
Coll. Lib., IL
* McCoy, Alfred W. In the Shadows of the American Century: The Rise and Decline of US Global Power.
Haymarket. Sept. 2017.280p. illus. maps, notes, index. ISBN 9781608467730. pap. $18; ebk. ISBN
9781608467747. HIST
McCoy (history, Univ. of Wisconsin-Madison) has produced a sobering and insightful study of America's
rise to a global power after World War II. The author also examines recent trends to assess what the future
holds for American hegemony in the world; he is not optimistic. Using data from the National Intelligence
Council, McCoy explores the impact of economic slowdown or decline of American power as well as the
effects further military misadventures would have on the economy. The rise of China as a world power is
never far from McCoy's thoughts, and his assessment of that county's prominence and its burgeoning
military and economic might is something that will interest all readers. Other chapters explore such relevant
topics as surveillance, covert operations, and geopolitics as they relate to the rise and fall of the American
Empire. VERDICT An outstanding book on an exceedingly important topic. Essential for all collections.--
Ed Goedeken, Iowa State Univ. Lib., Ames
* Miles, Tiya. Dawn of Detroit: A Chronicle of Bondage and Freedom in the City of the Straits New Pr.
Oct. 2017.288p. illus. maps, notes, index. ISBN 9781620972311. $27.95; ebk. ISBN 9781620972328. HIST
Historian Miles (Tales from the Haunted South) has written a book that will reorient the focus of early
slavery in North America Westward to include Detroit as central to any understanding of the tangled
relations of French, English, Euro-Americans, Indians, and Africans on the frontier from the 18th to early
19th century. She maintains that slavery was integral to the making of Detroit, as whites relied on enslaved
blacks and Native Americans to sustain the city's fur trade and commercial nexus, protect settlements during
war, and work nearby lands as settlers expanded their reach in the region. All the while, enslaved blacks
resisted their bondage, forging new identities and alliances as they moved or fled back and forth from
Detroit to British Canada. Detroit further embodied the contradictions of a nation professing liberty but
sanctioning slavery, even where it supposedly was prohibited, as in Michigan under the Northwest
Ordinance. Miles concludes that recognizing Detroit as a place of "theft" of human bodies and land is part
of a long, sustained history of exploitation that helps define the character of the city to this day. VERDICT
A necessary work of powerful, probing scholarship.--Randall M. Miller, St. Joseph's Univ., Philadelphia
Tyerman, Christopher. How To Plan a Crusade: Religious War in the High Middle Ages. Pegasus. Oct.
2017.432p. illus. maps, notes, bibliog. index. ISBN 9781681775241. $28.95; ebk. ISBN 9781681775869.
HIST
Tyerman (God's War: A New History of the Crusades) looks at the logistical and planning activities of the
Crusades, arguing that the wars were not irrational follies of religious peasants but rather carefully planned
campaigns of moneyed individuals. He reframes his analysis of the events into five major areas, opening
with the idea that the medieval period contains many examples of rationality. He then discusses the reasons
Crusaders went to war and the culture which influenced the decision. Propaganda such as sermons,
pamphlets, and assemblies also played a key role in the recruitment of warriors. Tyerman analyzes the
standard types of recruits and shows that most were wealthy men, although some women attended.
Additionally, he evaluates the finances of the campaigns, including budgets and troop pay before
concluding the narrative with logistics surrounding supplies, ordinances, and campaign strategy. This
detailed analysis assumes prior knowledge of both the Holy Land and Baltic Crusades as well as key
figures. VERDICT An intriguing yet somewhat dry analysis of the Crusades. Recommended for scholars
and medieval history aficionados.--Rebekah Kati, Durham, NC
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LAW & CRIME
Blum, Ben. Ranger Games: A Story of Soldiers, Family and an Inexplicable Crime Doubleday. Sept.
2017.432p. notes. ISBN 9780385538435. $28.95; ebk. ISBN 9780385538442. CRIME
Blum's debut book sheds light on a romantic vision of war. In 2006, the author's 19-year-old cousin Alex
was a promising army ranger--until he participated in an armed robbery of a Bank of America along with
his superior Luke Elliott Sommer and three acquaintances. The underlying question for all involved: Why?
Was Alex the victim of brainwashing or a hoax? Blum follows Alex's attempts to rebuild his life after losing
friends, housing, and work because of his felony status. He interviews numerous relatives, such as Alex's
dad, Norm, who supported his son even as his own marriage crumbled. Blum also questions Sommer, who
experienced PTSD after serving in Iraq and Afghanistan and was later diagnosed with bipolar disorder. The
author successfully interweaves his own family's complicated relationship with mental illness, race, and
privilege into the recounting of Sommer's psychiatric history. After finding inconsistencies in Alex's and
Sommer's stories, Blum isn't sure of his own truth and doesn't expect readers to be either. VERDICT A
detailed, sobering account of people doing what they believe is right in the face of injustice. For fans of
biographies, military stories, true crime, and podcasts such as Serial and S-Town.--Stephanie Sendaula,
Library Journal
Corona, Martin with Tony Rafael. Confessions of a Cartel Hit Man. Dutton. Jul. 2017. 320p. ISBN
9781101984628. $28; ebk. ISBN 9781101984642. CRIME
Cartel hit man--turned--government informant Corona, with writer Rafael (coauthor, The Mexican Mafia),
tells of how he got involved in a life of drugs and crime at an early age. From a military family, Corona
grew up playing Little League and fishing but somehow he felt he didn't belong. He was more at home on
the street than anywhere else and spent most of his childhood and teenage years in corrections programs.
Through the connections he made in prison and in gangs, he eventually went to work for the founders of the
Tijuana drug cartel that dominated the Southern California drug trade for decades. Corona often ended up in
situations where he would need to kill members of warring gangs. Life was luxurious but so violent that
eventually he wanted out. In this highly detailed, tell-all work, readers can follow the author on his real-life
journey from military brat to gang leader to informant. VERDICT Corona's engaging story offers an
insider's peek into gang and prison life, providing insight into how a seemingly average boy can become a
drug kingpin and a murderer. Recommended for true crime lovers.--Kristen Calvert, Marion Cty. P.L. Syst.,
Ocala, FL
James, Bill & Rachel McCarthy James. The Man from the Train: The Solving of a Century-Old Serial Killer
Mystery. Scribner. Aug. 2017.480p. notes. ISBN 9781476796253. $30; ebk. ISBN 9781476796277.
CRIME
In early 20th-century America, an unknown man traversed the country, mainly the South and Midwest,
riding the rails. He would hop off the train, usually near a small town, locate a secluded house near the
tracks, and brutally murder the occupants with the blunt side of an axe. Before any alarms could be raised,
he would disappear onto another train to strike elsewhere. Popular sportswriter Bill James (Popular Crime)
and his daughter, writer Rachel McCarthy James, painstakingly scoured thousands of newspapers and
records to piece together the bloody trail of the titular Man from the Train. Using the infamous 1912 murder
of the Moore family in Villisca, IA, as a starting point, the authors worked backward locating one, then
another, crime that seemed to fit together. Eventually, they settled upon a suspect. Although the
circumstantial evidence for their suspect is less than desirable, they may have indeed solved this century-old
case. VERDICT Fans of historical true crime will enjoy the conversational and fast-paced writing about
these unsolved murders and an early 20th-century serial murderer.--Chad E. Statler, Lakeland Comm. Coll.,
Kirtland, OH
Kahn, Milka & Anne Veron. Women of Honor: Madonnas, Godmothers and Informers in the Italian Mafia.
Hurst. Sept. 2017.192p. tr. from French by James Ferguson, notes, index. ISBN 9781849048064. pap.
$19.95. CRIME
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European law specialist Kahn and mafia documentarian Veron here present a well-researched look at the
women who helped to build and maintain Italian Mafia culture. Kahn, who became familiar with the topic
while volunteering with Libera Palermo, an anti-Mafia organization, teamed with Veron, who has directed
documentaries on the Italian mobs, to showcase women involved in Cosa Nostra, 'Ndrangheta, and
Camorra. Although women are not commonly included in discourse concerning these groups, the authors'
research and interviews depict how these figures continue to be at the center of these organizations, even
helping to ensure its survival by instilling the culture and values of the group into their children. The stories
presented paint a complex portrait of these women, moving them past the victim stereotype, and opening up
a world of information that has been under a veil of silence for many years. VERDICT This book provides
a fascinating window into the lives of women at the heart of Mafia organizations. Recommended for
collections where related titles circulate widely.--Mattie Cook, Lake Odessa Comm. Lib., Ml
PSYCHOLOGY
* Rubin, Gretchen. The Four Tendencies: The Indispensable Personality Profiles That Reveal How To Make
Your Life Better (and Other People's Lives Better, Too). Harmony: Crown. Sept. 2017.272p. notes. ISBN
9781524760915. $24; ebk. ISBN 9781524760922. PSYCH
Rubin (The Happiness Project; Better Than Before) here expands on an idea she began exploring in her
earlier books, that you gain tremendous self-knowledge by examining how you respond to expectations
(both internal and external). Obliges, for instance, respond well to outer expectations but have trouble
meeting inner ones. Therefore, people with that tendency benefit from having an exercise partner or
building other accountability checks into their routines. After discussion of the different tendencies and why
it's helpful to understand them, Rubin explains--with a quiz--how to figure out your tendency and that of
others, how to understand and work with people whose tendencies are different from your own, and how to
harness strengths in order to accomplish goals. It's a clever system, charmingly and convincingly explained.
VERDICT This will be of particular interest to those responsible for motivating others (e.g., managers or
parents) but also enjoyed by anyone fascinated by human nature. (See the Q&A with the author on p. 107).-
-Stephanie Klose, Library Journal
* Sigman, Mariano. The Secret Life of the Mind: How Your Brain Thinks, Feels, and Decides Little,
Brown. Jun. 2017. 256p. tr. from Spanish by the author, illus. notes. ISBN 9780316549622. $27; ebk. ISBN
9780316549615. PSYCH
Physicist and neuroscientist Sigman (founder, Integrative Neuroscience Laboratory, Univ. of Buenos Aires,
Argentina) here builds on his popular TED Talk "Your Words May Predict Your Future Mental Health." His
goal is to help readers understand themselves more deeply. Ideas, dreams, emotions from childhood,
consciousness, and learning are major themes in this guide to self-knowledge. The human brain has
changed little in 60,000 years. At six months infants theorize and form abstract concepts, making
discoveries through play and logic, similar to scientific method. They can infer intentions, desires, kindness
and wrongdoing. Two year olds comprehend ownership, and with this text, adults can appreciate their
thinking and judgment. Currently, most children engage with more than one language--a mental boon for
attention, cognitive development, and social inclusion. Sigman's text alludes to ideas from Jean-Jacques
Rousseau's Emile and celebrates the work of cognitive psychologist Jacques Mehler. VERDICT Accessible,
enjoyable, and enriching, this work is a boon to lay readers, students, and scientists.--E. James Lieberman,
George Washington Univ. Sch. of Medicine, Washington, DC
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SOCIAL SCIENCE
Briody, Blaire. The New Wild West: Black Gold, Fracking, and Life in a North Dakota Boomtown. St.
Martin's. Sept. 2017. 352p. notes. ISBN 9781250064929. $27.99; ebk. ISBN 9781466871526. SOC SCI
In the fracking boomtown of Williston, ND, gas flares lighting the night can signal wealth to some, the
destruction of ancestral lands to others, or another night of homelessness to a few operating the wells. In the
penetrating spirit of TV's This Is Life with Lisa Ling, with the depth and insight only a book can provide,
Briody delves into the lives of those trying to survive in a town in rapid transition by aiming to understand
why some choose to work in the destructive industry, what it takes to survive as a woman in a maledominated
town, the difficulties faced by a preacher trying to help those in need, how Native peoples are
being deceived by the government, and the history that led to the current struggles of long-term residents.
Through intertwining disparate experiences, a comprehensive portrait is unveiled. As the boom goes bust
everything else tragically follows: marriages, people, finances, the environment, and some international
corporations. VERDICT Those on both sides of the debate on fossil fuels and fracking will find this work
revealing, as will readers seeking a wider picture of the economic downturn.--Zebulin Evelhoch, Central
Washington Univ. Lib., Ellensburg, WA
Forner, Karlyn Denae. Why the Vote Wasn't Enough for Selma. Duke Univ. Oct. 2017.368p. illus. maps,
notes, bibliog. index. ISBN 9780822370000. $99.95; pap. ISBN 9780822370055. $27.95. HIST
In this aptly titled work, Forner (project manager. Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee Digital
Gateway, Duke Univ. Libs.) tells the history of the city of Selma and several counties in the Black Belt
region of Alabama, including Dallas County, where Selma is located. After moving to the city, Forner
learned its history firsthand. Here, the author sets the stage for the creation of the 1901 Alabama
Constitution, which was designed to help maintain white supremacy. Later she explores Selma during the
time of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the arrival of Martin Luther King Jr., and the passage of the Voting
Rights Act in 1965. By this time, the local black community was already engaged, creating a new black law
firm in 1972. After 25 years, they finally achieved political equality but faced a worsening economic
situation, especially with the closing of a local Air Force base. VERDICT Though the general contours of
this story are well known, Forner presents an exhaustive social, political, and economic history of Selma set
within local and national context. A near page-turner that will appeal to both general and scholarly readers
interested in the civil rights movement.--William D. Pederson, Louisiana State Univ., Shreveport
* Gilyard, Keith. Louise Thompson Patterson: A Life of Struggle tor Justice.
Duke Univ. Sept. 2017.320p. notes, bibliog. index. ISBN 9780822369851. $94.95; pap. ISBN
9780822369929. $26.95. BIOG
In this fascinating biography, Gilyard (Edwin Erie Sparks Professor of English and African American
Studies, Pennsylvania State Univ.; True to the Language Game) portrays civil and human rights advocate
Louise Thompson Patterson (1901-99). Born in Chicago, Patterson faced a lonely childhood, moving
frequently with her family, who were often the sole black residents wherever they lived. As a college
student studying economics at the University of California, Berkeley in the 1920s, she found a mentor in
W.E.B. DuBois, while also realizing that black students were often unacknowledged. After college, she
taught at the Hampton Institute but found herself discomforted by its racism and paternalism. A move to
Harlem led her to writers such as Langston Hughes, Zora Neale Hurston, and future husband Wallace
Thurman. Gilyard spends much of the book examining Patterson's deep involvement with the literary
movements of the time and recounting her work on civil rights. In the 1930s, Patterson led a rally in
Washington, DC, to attract attention to the Scottsboro Boys case. VERDICT An important book in helping
to understand the persistent racism faced by African Americans in this country and what individuals can do
to help fight against the injustice.--Amy Lewontin, Northeastern Univ. Lib., Boston
* Johnson, Joan Marie. Funding Feminism: Monied Women, Philanthropy, and the Women's Movement,
1870-1967. Univ. of North Carolina. Oct. 2017.320p. illus. notes, bibliog. index. ISBN 9781469634692.
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$39.95; ebk. ISBN 9781469634708. SOC SCI
Historian Johnson's (Northwestern Univ.) first book examines the role that wealthy white women have
played in advancing women's rights through financial support for feminist causes. Across seven thematic,
roughly chronological chapters, the author examines a century of female philanthropy in the areas of
suffrage, labor, education, and birth control, persuasively arguing that donors with deep pockets persistently
shaped the priorities and successes of organized feminism. Women such as Alva Belmont, Katherine
McCormick, Mary Garrett, and Grace Dodge funded office space and paid positions in the suffrage
movement, established working women's clubs, built living quarters for female students, and funded
decades of research that brought us the birth control pill. Throughout, Johnson highlights the uneasy reality
that such contributions--often crucial to movement successes--gave these women disproportionate influence
among activists who were fighting for greater equality. Thus, feminist philanthropists often became
controversial figures within the movement they helped to support. VERDICT This compelling work of
original and much-needed research with be of interest not only to those who study the history of feminist
activism but to those with an interest in the power that private money wields in social justice circles.--Anna
J. Clutterbuck-Cook, Massachusetts Historical Soc.
* We Wear the Mask: 15 True Stories of Passing in America.
Beacon. Oct. 2017.224p. ed. by Brando Skyhorse & Lisa Page, notes. ISBN 9780807078983. pap. $18; ebk.
ISBN 9780807078990. SOC SCI
The act of passing, and its many permutations, is the subject of 15 superb essays in this collection edited by
Skyhorse (English, Indiana Univ.; Take This Man: A Memoir) and Page (English, George Washington
Univ.). Beginning with Skyhorse's description of his experiences passing as Native American at the
insistence of his mother, contributors explore the circumstances--some intentional, others accidental---that
led them to pass as a member of another race, religion, sexuality, or class. The authors come to various
conclusions about the nature of the act of passing, as well as its impact upon the individual and society as a
whole. Contributor Marc Fitten discusses the decontextualization inherent to passing, while Clarence Page
recognizes class passing as something akin to an American tradition. There is value to be found in each
essay, but particular highlights include author Rafia Zakaria's description of the acts of passing required to
get through airport security as a Muslim American, while writer Gabrielle Bellot, in a beautiful essay about
passing as a cisgender woman, emphasizes how transgender individuals use passing as a means to be
recognized as their true, authentic selves. VERDICT Highly recommended for readers interested in
American sociological issues and current events.--Sara Shreve, Newton, KS
TRAVEL & GEOGRAPHY
Meyer, Michael. The Road to Sleeping Dragon: Learning China from the Ground Up. Bloomsbury Pr. Oct.
2017.320p. notes. ISBN 9781632869357. $28; ebk. ISBN 9781632869371. TRAV
Former Peace Corps volunteer Meyer (The Last Days of Old Beijing) continues to present his fascinating
and worthwhile impressions of China. He explains that, unlike his first book, this latest work is mostly
chronological impressions of lessons learned over time. Readers have an additional treat here in that Meyer
shares his charming and challenging courtship of Frances, his wife whom he met while living in China.
Frances's story brings further depth and insights to Meyer's observations and experiences of the country. For
example, her mother used to tell her to finish what was on her plate because there were starving people in
America. Meyer's comments are priceless; when his apartment was as cold as an icebox, he reported, "I
called Frances and asked her how to turn on the radiator. She laughed. 'You can't. Beijing turns it on for
you.'" VERDICT Those planning an actual trip to China as well as armchair travelers will be enlightened
and entertained by this exceptional book.--Susan G. Baird, formerly with Oak Lawn P.L., IL
* Twigger, Robert. White Mountain: A Cultural Adventure Through the Himalayas.
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Pegasus. Oct. 2017.472p. maps, bibliog. index. ISBN 9781681775357. $27.95; ebk. ISBN 9781681775937.
TRAV
The story should have been simple: author (Red Nile; Angry White Pyjamas) and adventurer Twigger
decides to travel along the Himalayas looking for what makes these mountains in Asia so special or
magical. But as one finds with the best travel writers, some questions are not easily answered. While mainly
in India, Twigger tries to understand the Himalayas from their history, geography, religions, myths, and
people--those living and historical (from Alexandra David-Neel and Francis Younghusband to Edmund
Hillary and His Holiness the Dalai Lama) that seem to haunt this landscape playing their Great Game or
trying to climb a mountain. Yet readers also find stories of missing nuclear batteries, yetis, and the author's
own search for his family history, all of which makes for a wonderful voyage. VERDICT This is an
enchanting book that readers will not be able to put down, and when they are finished they will ask why it
wasn't longer. Will be of great interest to those looking for books on travel, history, and culture of the
Himalayas, India, and the region. Highly recommended.--Melissa Aho, Univ. of Minnesota Bio-Medical
Lib., Minneapolis
Codebreakers
Fagone, Jason. The Woman Who Smashed Codes: A True Story of Love, Spies, and the Unlikely Heroine
Who Outwitted America's Enemies. Harper. Sept. 2017.320p. notes. ISBN 9780062430489. $27.99; ebk.
ISBN 9780062430502. BIOG
Two forces set Elizebeth Friedman on the path to success: her love of literature and her fear of being
ordinary. The first led her to the Newberry Library in Chicago to see a rare copy of William Shakespeare's
First Folio. There, a librarian introduced her to a rich, eccentric stranger named George Fabayan. Against
her sound judgment, Friedman accepted an unusual assignment at Fabayan's laboratory of decrypting
Shakespeare's works. Friedman met her husband, William, at the laboratory and they eventually became two
of the world's top cryptologists. William and Elizebeth solved some of the toughest crimes and military
intelligence challenges of the 20th century. Fagone, editor for the Huffington Post Highline, records the
pair's accomplishments, trials, and love affair, taking care to ensure that Elizebeth finally receives the
recognition she deserves. The impressive endnotes will prove useful to researchers who wish to further
explore the contributions of female codebreakers. VERDICT Fans of Margot Lee Shetterly's Hidden
Figures and Andrew Hodges's Alan Turing: The Enigma will enjoy this carefully researched story of a smart
and loyal but overlooked woman. [See Preput Alert, 1/23/17.1--Beth Dalton, Littleton, CO
[ILLUSTRATION OMITTED]
* Mundy, Liza. Code Girls: The Untold Story of the American Women Code Breakers of World War II.
Hachette. Oct. 2017.
432p. notes, bibliog. index. ISBN 9780316352536. $28; ebk. ISBN 9780316352550. HIST
Mundy (The Richer Sex) provides a history of female crytographers during World War II. At the outset of
the war, cryptanalysis, the science of deciphering coded messages, had barely emerged and both allies and
foes outpaced the United States. With young men galvanized to serve overseas, women were actively
recruited on the home front. Initially, this effort focused on students from the Seven Sisters colleges but
eventually expanded to include women from across the country who demonstrated an aptitude for math and
discretion. These women were ensconced at Arlington Hall, a former girls' school in Virginia, which
became the headquarters of the U.S. Army's Signal Intelligence Service (SIS). Codebreaking was
excruciatingly complex work and had urgent consequences. Enemy movements were ascertained and ships
sunk based on information relayed over the wires. The women were sworn to secrecy about the nature and
gravity of their work and for years remained reticent to speak about it, even to family members. Mundy
teases out their stories based on extensive interviews with the surviving codebreakers. VERDICT Similar to
Nathalia Holt's The Rise of the Rocket Girls and Margot Lee Shetterly's Hidden Figures, this is
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indispensable and fascinating history. Highly recommended for all readers.--Barrie Olmstead, Sacramento
P.L.
professional media
* LeMire, Sarah & Kristen J. Mulvihill.
Serving Those Who Served: Librarian's Guide to Working with Veteran and Military Communities.
Libraries Unlimited. Feb. 2017.181p. index.
ISBN 9781440834325. pap. $55. PRO MEDIA
With more than a million individuals serving in the active military and 20 million veterans in this country,
librarians must recognize the information needs of these populations. LeMire (librarian, Texas A&M Univ.)
and Mulvihill (librarian, San Diego P.L.) have created a guide to help librarians engage and work with
veterans, service members, and military organizations in their community. Both of the authors are veterans;
they dispel myths about individuals who have served and answer questions about how librarians should
interact with veteran and military personnel. Public and academic librarians are the prime audience, but the
authors briefly highlight the role of school, health, law, and prison libraries. Whether an individual served in
peacetime or in combat, the varied experiences of veterans will impact the type of information they need,
such as military records and medical information. In addition, the authors provide useful examples of
successful outreach and programs along with suggested resources and organizations to refer military
personnel and veterans. VERDICT Highly recommended for all librarians, especially those serving large
populations of service members and veterans.--Chris Wilkes, Tazewell Cty. P.L., VA
Reale, Michelle.
Becoming a Reflective Librarian and Teacher: Strategies for Mindful Academic Practice. ALA. Jan.
2017.144p. index. ISBN 9780838915295. pap. $57. PRO MEDIA
Beginning with the premise that teachers, and especially librarians, can benefit by incorporating reflection
into their daily practices, Reale (access svcs. and outreach librarian, Arcadia Univ.) makes the case that
reflection is the basis of critical pedagogy. A quote by educator and philosopher Maxine Greene
summarizes the book: "Without the ability to think about yourself, to reflect on your life, there's really no
aware ness, no consciousness...." The focus is on engaging in reflective learning and modeling that behavior
for our students. Reale outlines three processes of reflective practice: "making the time for reflection,
becoming a perpetual problem-solver, and questioning the status quo." Chapters include using journals in
reflection, the cycle of contemplation, and strategies to model and promote in the classroom. The "final
thoughts" section and list of strategies that end each chapter provide helpful tools on ways to implement the
techniques offered throughout. VERDICT Recommended for teachers and librarians as an impetus to lead a
more reflective professional life.--Karen Venturella Malnati, Union Cty. Coll. Libs, Cranford, NJ
Reed, Sally Gardner, he Good, the Great, and the Unfriendly: A Librarian's
Guide to Working with Friends Groups. ALA Editions. Jan. 2017.157p. illus. index. ISBN 9780838914984.
pap. $57. PRO MEDIA
[ILLUSTRATION OMITTED]
This slim handbook by Reed (executive director, United for Libraries; coauthor, The Complete Library
Trustee Handbook) expands upon and updates her 2004 work, 101+ Great Ideas for Libraries and Friends.
The question of why Friends of libraries are needed is addressed--the Internet has not made these
institutions obsolete, the author points out, and libraries are often the only access for digital "have-nots."
The nitty-gritty of working with Friends includes filing for tax exempt status, merging a group with a
foundation, and working with volunteers. Friends groups supporting academic libraries, often overlooked,
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are given their share of attention. Friends of a library can fundraise, provide outreach, support
programming, engage the community, and advocate for maintaining and increasing budgets. How to
connect with new and younger Friends and volunteers is covered, although the use of social media could
have been given more attention. Advice for how a library can divorce from a Friends group when things go
bad provides guidance through a sticky situation, but a few in-depth examples would have been valuable. A
chapter of fundraising and programming ideas rounds out the book. VERDICT Librarians and trustees
interested in developing a library Friends group will find straightforward, practical advice in this guide.--
Susan Belsky, Oshkosh P.L., Wl
Source Citation (MLA 8th
Edition)
"Social sciences." Library Journal, 1 Aug. 2017, p. 101+. General OneFile,
http://link.galegroup.com/apps/doc/A500009446/ITOF?u=schlager&sid=ITOF&xid=7ca88f3c.
Accessed 25 Mar. 2018.
Gale Document Number: GALE|A500009446
A History of Bloomberg’s Successes and Failures
By DAVID LEONHARDTSEPT. 13, 2017
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New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg in 2013. Credit Damon Winter/The New York Times
BLOOMBERG
A Billionaire’s Ambition
By Chris McNickle
444 pp. Skyhorse. $27.99.
Michael Bloomberg ended up running the information technology department at Salomon Brothers partly as a punishment. It was 1979, and he had already had a highly successful 13-year career at the firm, after joining it out of Harvard Business School. But he had also made enemies. The other Salomon partners decided to put him in charge of a department that “was a critical function to be sure,” as Chris McNickle writes in “Bloomberg: A Billionaire’s Ambition,” “but far removed from the glory of the trades and the deals that made the firm money.” Two years later, they eased him out of the company, albeit with a $10 million goodbye.
Information technology was a good fit for Bloomberg. He had always liked data and analysis. As an undergraduate at Johns Hopkins University in the early 1960s, he first planned to be a physics major before switching to electrical engineering. The experience of running Salomon’s technology department underscored to him how valuable data could be. It also made him think there was a business opportunity: giving people on Wall Street better information than they had. Bloomberg believed more numbers and facts would allow traders to make better decisions. They, in turn, would pay handsomely for the information.
And so he founded a company that made computers designed to fit on a trader’s desk, which wasn’t easy in the bulky computing days of the early 1980s. “The Bloombergs,” as they were known, provided traders with information about the bond market. Eventually, the company grew far beyond the bond market and made Bloomberg a billionaire, the richest man in New York.
His belief in the power of information has remained the closest thing to an unshakable ideology for Bloomberg. As New York’s mayor for 12 years, he tried to use data, facts and analysis to transform an enormous, dynamic city.
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Bloomberg: A Billionaire’s Ambition
Chris McNickle
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He famously got rid of most offices at City Hall, sitting in open cubicles alongside his aides (as he had at his company) largely so that he and they both would be in the midst of an information flow. Upon taking office, he was aghast to discover that no one could tell him how many people worked for the City of New York; his staff soon changed that, creating a registry of city workers. In one area after another — the use of the waterfront, the zoning of buildings, public health, transportation and, most famously, policing and schools — Bloomberg used information as his primary tool of governance. As one poverty expert said, Bloomberg tried to “build a culture of evidence.”
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Bloomberg’s mayoralty began less than four months after 9/11 and spanned most of the presidencies of both George W. Bush and Barack Obama, as well as the worst financial crisis in 70 years. Bloomberg has been out of office less than a full term, and yet his tenure already seems in some ways to be out of another time.
Republicans (he joined the party to win the mayor’s office, before abandoning it) show little interest in his fact-based approach to government. The party nominated a compulsive liar for president, and its congressional leaders tried to pass a major health care bill based on fictions. Party leaders now regularly attempt to deny basic facts, whether they come from climate scientists or the dispassionate analysts at the Congressional Budget Office.
Democrats remain much closer to Bloomberg’s technocratic vision of government as a force for good, but their energy has also shifted. Nothing represents the change better than Bloomberg’s own successor, Bill de Blasio. He is arguably the most proudly left-wing government executive in the United States. He won in large part by casting Bloomberg as insufficiently concerned about the gaping inequality that afflicts both New York and the country. Populism is in. Bloombergism seems quaint.
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McNickle, a lifelong New Yorker who has a doctorate in history and spent years working in finance, <
He scrupulously allows both Bloomberg’s circle and his critics to have their say. But McNickle doesn’t leave the reader feeling helpless among conflicting evidence. He avoids the nihilist trap that causes so many journalistic assessments of politicians to be unsatisfying. He instead is willing to offer perspective about the scale of failures and successes. He ends his chapters, each of which focuses on a major subject, by making an argument about<< what worked, what didn’t and what mattered most.>>
McNickle is withering about Bloomberg’s deal with the City Council — “a crass marriage of ambitions” — to change the term-limits law so that he could serve a third term. McNickle also recognizes that Bloomberg’s election and re-elections depended on his personal wealth, which in turn “made a farce” of the campaign-finance law. This book lays out various policy mistakes and disappointments, like the damage from stop-and-frisk policing and the mixed record of Bloomberg’s educational policies.
Yet the full picture is rather different, and McNickle doesn’t shy from it either. Bloomberg was <> He succeeded in large part because of his faith in the power of facts. He sought detailed, reliable information about life in the city. He asked his aides to focus on big questions and charged them with improving New Yorkers’ lives.
They did. They remade New York’s once grim waterfront, transforming the face of the city. They won a huge public-health victory by restricting smoking and made more progress than many people realize on obesity. Bloomberg rewrote archaic zoning laws, so they were no longer based on the notion that factories and residences were the main uses for New York’s real estate; offices, retail and public parks were vital too. The Bronx Terminal Market, Hunters Point in Queens and the Greenpoint neighborhood of Brooklyn are all examples. He presided over a decline in both crime and the jail population. The poverty rate fell relative to the rest of the country’s. His schooling reforms fell short of what he wanted, but McNickle shows they were also responsible for real improvements.
The most resonant critique of Bloomberg, de Blasio’s central critique, is that he governed for the 1 percent rather than the 99 percent. It’s certainly the case that the rich did better than everyone else over the course of his mayoralty. But that’s a global story, not just a New York one. While Bloomberg didn’t solve the great stagnation of living standards that afflicts the American middle class and poor, it’s hard to think of a contemporary mayor or governor who made more progress.
The problem of inequality may well be too big for only a technocratic approach to government. It will probably also require muscular federal action on areas like taxes, antitrust, and workers’ bargaining power. But Bloomberg nonetheless leaves a giant legacy for anyone who cares about the power of government to do good. When future fact-loving politicians take office — and they will, even in Washington — they will be able to learn from both Bloomberg’s successes and his shortcomings.
David Leonhardt is an Op-Ed columnist for The Times.
A version of this review appears in print on September 17, 2017, on Page BR17 of the Sunday Book Review with the headline: Mayor Mike and His Data. Today's Paper|Subscribe
Ghosts of Party Past: New York’s Last Two Democratic Mayors and the 2013 Election
There is much to be learned from the lives and times of Ed Koch and David Dinkins, New York’s last two Democratic mayors. Their New York may not be as far away as it feels at the center of a thoroughly sanitized Times Square.
Nick Juravich ▪ May 2, 2013
David Dinkins and Ed Koch at the 2012 NYC Veterans Day Parade (Freeverse, Flickr creative commons)
The Power of the Mayor: David Dinkins, 1990-1993
by Chris McNickle
Transaction Publishers, 2013, 406 pp.
Ed Koch and the Rebuilding of New York City
by Jonathan Soffer
Columbia University Press, 2010, 528 pp.
Twenty years ago this November, Rudy Giuliani clawed his way past David Dinkins in the general election to become mayor of New York with 51 percent of the city’s vote. Observers attributed Giuliani’s narrow victory to everything from the popular perception that Dinkins was soft on crime to unusually heavy turnout on Staten Island (whose residents paradoxically added crucial votes for Giuliani even as they voted to secede from the city he would lead), but it hardly seemed a resounding mandate for Republican leadership of New York. Few believed that the Democrats would spend the next two decades locked out of Gracie Mansion, but Michael Bloomberg followed Giuliani, extended term limits, and suddenly it was 2013.
This year, however, even allowing for the possibility that the current mayor may yet recruit a fellow billionaire to chase his throne, the Democrats seem poised to come in from the cold. Several popular city politicians are contending for the party’s nomination in a feisty primary race. The winner will face the challenge of building a coalition and articulating a vision for the Democrats in New York City, where the party has been fractious and fragmented in opposition. They will have to win over a metropolis that is reliably blue in national elections but deeply divided along many overlapping fault lines within the five boroughs; where fierce debates about policing, inequality, gentrification, and jobs rage unabated as Bloomberg jogs his final lap. In taking on these challenges, this year’s Democratic hopefuls will certainly distance themselves from Bloomberg and, to a lesser extent, Giuliani, even as they try to emulate their electoral success. They may also want to consider the lessons offered by the terms, triumphs, and trials of the city’s most recent Democratic mayors, Ed Koch and David Dinkins.
One could argue that Koch and Dinkins are too far in the rearview to be of much help. Koch left office nearly a quarter-century ago, and governed under a different city charter, one in which the now-defunct Board of Estimate was far more powerful than the toothless City Council. And Dinkins’s mayoralty is typically recounted as a cautionary tale from the Dark Ages, when New York was still in the grip of the crime, grime, and racist violence of the Do The Right Thing era, a world apart from today’s post-Girls playground. Murders peaked at 2,245 during 1990, Dinkins’s first year in office; in 2012 there were 414.
Recent events, however, suggest that there is much to be learned from the lives and times of these two mayors, so different in everything but party affiliation. Koch’s passing in February occasioned a barrage of remembrances celebrating his re-invention of the mayoralty as a bully pulpit for tough-talking, business-friendly politicians (Giuliani and Bloomberg among them) who won office not by rising through the ranks of party machines and mobilizing ground operations led by unions, churches, and county leaders, but by pairing big-time fundraising with citywide television advertising. Meanwhile, clashes between police and protesters in East Flatbush following the police killing of Kimani Gray led the Village Voice’s Nick Pinto to describe the scene as “a 21st century Bonfire of the Vanities.” Pinto’s invocation of Wolfe’s lurid 1987 novel suggests the New York of Koch and Dinkins may not be as far away as it feels at the center of a thoroughly sanitized Times Square.
The rise of a citywide movement opposed to stop-and-frisk and localized but no less insistent demands for recognition and redress by those on the wrong side of gentrification suggest that the next mayor must be prepared to consider the needs of New York’s sizable working-class African-American and Latino communities.
It was Koch, after all, who built a public-private partnership to redevelop Times Square—in order, he hoped, to attract business and tourism without turning New York into “Disneyland” or driving out the dissent and counterculture that flourished in the city’s public spaces. The question of who controls the development and use of city spaces has hardly disappeared. And the intertwined challenges of poverty, policing, racism, and inequality that plagued Dinkins’s administration have returned to center stage in recent years and demand a new set of efforts to address them. Violent crime is now primarily hemmed into the city’s poorest neighborhoods. But the rise of a citywide movement opposed to racist stop-and-frisk policing and localized but no less insistent demands for recognition and redress by those on the wrong side of gentrification suggest that the next mayor must be prepared to consider the needs of New York’s sizable working-class African-American and Latino communities.
Both mayors have been the subject of a recent biography. Jonathan Soffer’s Ed Koch and the Rebuilding of New York City is a scholarly addition to a crowded field—Koch himself penned a few autobiographies—that offers a thoughtful and sympathetic look at a man who “faced challenges greater than any New York mayor of the twentieth century and met many of them,” even though the recovery from fiscal crisis and disinvestment that he led “indisputably benefited the rich more than the poor.” As the subtitle suggests, Soffer credits Koch with “rebuilding” New York City, but not uncritically. As he writes it, “For better or worse, Koch convinced most New Yorkers of the legitimacy of a new neoliberal order that subsidized Manhattan business development, particularly in the finance, insurance, and real estate sectors, privatized public space, and created huge income inequalities.”
Soffer describes Koch as a forbear of Bill Clinton and other third-way Democrats, a man who “pioneered the Democratic Party version of neoliberalism, which allowed for government to shape and subsidize private enterprise, but…remained diffident about creating new programs for redistribution or social insurance.” This lineage is slightly more convoluted; Democratic neoliberalism, born amid the wreckage of McGovern’s 1972 presidential campaign, embraced the suburbanized, anti-labor, pro-business politics of the Sunbelt, embodied by Clinton of Arkansas and Gary Hart of Colorado, among others. Koch was one of many early Democratic neoliberals, but more important, he was the first high-profile urban neoliberal, a man who sought to reinvent an industrial city in a post-industrial world. As he looked around the city for ways to fuel urban growth, he found one strategy in particular that he liked so much he made it the only real policy recommendation in his first inaugural speech: gentrification.
That now-ubiquitous word, Soffer writes, was so new to the American lexicon that Koch felt he had to define it for his listeners, calling for “an influx of ‘urban pioneers’ to reinvigorate the city’s neighborhoods.” Though already underway in neighborhoods including the Upper West Side, Brooklyn Heights, and Park Slope when Koch took office (Sulieman Osman’s 2011 book The Invention of Brownstone Brooklyn examines this origin story), gentrification was something of an alternative movement, driven by young, educated, post–New Left types looking for an escape from suburbia. Koch made it formal city development policy, applying tax credits, targeted city spending, and rhetorical support to loft conversions of industrial spaces, gut renovations of brownstones, the construction of new high-rise condos and offices, and the privatization of public spaces including Times Square and Central Park. The result was a “new spatial order for New York City” that “set the pattern for such development policies for a generation.” Gentrification became the urban answer to suburbanization, the former reproducing many of the features of the latter: a re-segregation by class and race, privileged access to privatized recreational spaces, localized control of zoning, neighborhoods built for and reliant on commuters to downtown (as opposed to local access to industrial employment), and major tax giveaways to developers, corporations, and homeowners alike.
Koch believed in gentrification, Soffer tells us, because he believed “the old working class New York of Koch’s youth—the New York of small unionized industry, of social democratic aspiration—was never coming back.” As a result, he sought to take advantage of “economic forces much larger than the city government” by reinventing the city “within the context of the new neoliberal global economy.” This went beyond development policy. While Koch didn’t quite abandon organized labor, unions and political leaders in the African-American community became junior partners in his governing coalition as business leaders were elevated (a process that had begun during the city’s fiscal crisis in 1975). Koch’s commitment to this brave new world was so complete, Soffer notes, that he insisted on closing Harlem’s Sydenham Hospital in 1980 despite the outraged protests of labor and community leaders. Soffer describes this as policy trumping politics (Koch later admitted the savings for the city’s Health and Hospitals Corporation weren’t worth the backlash), but one might also read it as a political statement about the new priorities and hierarchies of interest that Koch intended to bring about.
Soffer is sympathetic to Koch’s position; as mayor, he could hardly be expected to single-handedly resist the massive paradigm shift underway across the nation. However, as scholars including David Harvey (who Soffer quotes in his introduction), Judith Stein, and Sharon Zukin have shown, Koch’s policies were not merely responses to urban deindustrialization but catalysts of this process. Incentivizing and cheerleading helped produce spatial inequality and what Soffer calls the “hourglass economy,” with “jobs for the highly educated at one end and service workers at the other.”
Neoliberal urbanism helped Koch lead a “precarious revival” from fiscal crisis into the booming 1980s, but it also created tensions that eventually pulled his governing coalition apart and drove him from office. Koch launched an incredibly ambitious and successful plan to create 252,000 units of housing over ten years in his third term, but even as he did, homelessness continued to increase as gentrification ate up low-income housing. Working-class New Yorkers felt squeezed by a tight market fueled by policies that did little for them, and labor and African-American community leaders were tired of being locked out of government. These tensions opened the door for David Dinkins to unseat the three-term incumbent in the Democratic primary in 1989, with the support of a coalition that sought better city policies for the poor and a more responsive leader in City Hall.
Dinkins, as Chris McNickle tells us on the first page of The Power of the Mayor: David Dinkins, 1990-1993 (2013), a policy-oriented look at his understudied single term, “failed as mayor,” on account of his “Tammany clubhouse heritage and his liberal political philosophy.” Moreover, Dinkins’s “overly deliberate approach” left New Yorkers feeling “detached from their leader” during the many crises that plagued his term. Dinkins, governing amid a sharp economic downturn, not only balanced four budgets but increased the size of the police force (reducing major crime by 14 percent and murders by 12 percent in the process), furthered Koch’s housing development program while making it more accessible to those in greatest need of a home, and even set some policies in place that would later improve the quality of the city’s school system, a shambles when he took office. It wasn’t the results Dinkins got, McNickle notes, but the way he got them that undid him: order appeared to emerge from chaos, preventing Dinkins from taking credit for his achievements and undermining confidence in his ability to lead when crisis struck.
<
While Dinkins was effective when comforting families and speaking with victims of violence during the Crown Heights riots, what made headlines was the absence of bold action and bold statements from City Hall as a deeply divided city watched unrest unfolding.
Race is a major topic in McNickle’s account of the city’s first African-American mayor (his 1993 book To Be Mayor of New York: Ethnic Politics in the City dealt with similar themes, and two chapters from that work are reproduced here), but his analysis is at times confusing. He asserts in the introduction that Dinkins “never won the trust of more than a sliver of the race he displaced atop the city’s totem pole of power, and that trust diminished over time,” but concludes that “it strains credibility to argue that whites who cast ballots for a black man in 1989 refused to on the basis of skin color in 1993.” The confusion arises from the problems of using race as an explanatory category for political analysis rather than treating racism and prejudice as subjects for investigation. Suggesting that Dinkins had “African American sensibilities toward law enforcement and other issues,” for instance, does not explain anything, but rather invites an historical inquiry into the relationship between racism, segregation, and policing in New York.* This confusion undermines McNickle’s more substantive argument, which is that a combination of perceptions of incompetence and liberal commitments undermined Dinkins.
McNickle convincingly argues that<< Dinkins was a poor manager of his public image and an ineffective decision-maker>> in a city that preferred (or, at least, was used to) a shoot-first approach, using many a bungled initiative or poorly chosen official to drive his point home. The suggestion that Dinkins’s “classic urban liberalism” drove away (mostly white) middle- and upper-class voters is a more interesting one. McNickle argues that “New York City’s near bankruptcy and all that followed caused many New Yorkers to reconsider the limits of local government in the decade and a half prior to Dinkins’ election.” Citing the emergence of the conservative Manhattan Institute and a chorus of voices demanding privatization and efficiency, McNickle reiterates Soffer’s argument in defense of Koch, in a way, by suggesting that leaning against the new neoliberal order was nearly impossible. Koch got it, Dinkins didn’t. McNickle credits Dinkins “for standing by his beliefs” but reiterates that he was “the wrong man for the times,” a relic of a bygone era.
The story sounds inevitable when it is told this way, implying that “there is no alternative” to the post-industrial urban order. It suggests that Democratic candidates might seek to emulate Koch (without the vituperative relationship with Harlem) and avoid comparison to Dinkins, embrace a pro-business coalition, and do some social programming on the side when money allows. But Dinkins’s loss was a very close one, which should suggest nothing so much as contingency. Counterfactual history is a dangerous game, but as McNickle’s penultimate chapter notes, had Staten Island not sought secession, had Mario Cuomo provided a more forceful endorsement to Dinkins, had Ed Koch and Bobby Wagner not jumped ship to Giuliani, had Dinkins’s newly recruited police officers hit the streets just a few months earlier, Dinkins might have emerged victorious again. With crime already in freefall and the economy about to boom, it is entirely possible to imagine that, with the benefit of flush times, Dinkins’s “classic urban liberalism” could have substituted ably for Giuliani’s neoliberal revanchism, and provided much for the city’s poor and working people in the process. Conjecture aside, it seems difficult to make the case that the election of Giuliani represented a ringing endorsement of a neoliberal vision for the city.
So what might Democratic candidates take away from these biographies? A mayoral forum titled “What’s in it for low-income New Yorkers?” in February at First Corinthian Baptist Church in Harlem was instructive. Co-sponsored by the Community Service Society, 32BJ-SEIU, the Center for Popular Democracy, UnitedNY.com, and City Limits, the forum dealt, as most debates of this nature do, with discrete policy issues affecting the poor, working from the Community Service Society’s “Unheard Third” survey. One of the first on the table was paid sick leave for working New Yorkers, which enjoys the support of nearly every union in the city. Three of the campaign’s big four—Comptroller John Liu, Public Advocate Bill de Blasio, and 2009 Democratic nominee Bill Thompson—were unequivocal in their support. The fourth, City Council Speaker Christine Quinn, who prevented the City Council’s bill from passing for nearly three years at the behest of Bloomberg, was booed roundly as she tried to make the case that protecting workers would drive their jobs elsewhere. Koch would have shared her position, and would probably have told the assembled they were “wackos,” but Quinn, watching her primary chances dip further, took heed. A month ago, in an attempt to defang her competitors, she led the bill through the council, indicating that she, too, might be willing to reconsider the relative political importance of New York’s labor movement and its business leaders.
Stop-and-frisk, when it came up, drew another round of denunciations. When Comptroller Liu shouted, “Don’t reform this tactic—end it!” the crowd roared. Thompson and de Blasio both resuscitated a proposal from the Dinkins era—independent civilian oversight of the NYPD—that Giuliani famously called “bullshit” as he incited a police riot outside of City Hall in 1992. Civilian review has long been political dynamite, but in an era when quota-based policing, stop-and-frisk, and police killings have led to increasing civilian distrust (Pinto’s Voice article noted that most East Flatbush residents believe the NYPD planted the gun that the police claim Kimani Gray pointed at them), it may be time for a mayor to weather the blast.
Specific efforts aimed at the working people and working poor of New York City can have only a meager and limited impact if the overall plan for development writes them out.
Moderator Brian Lehrer of WNYC responded to the candidates’ position by noting that, according to the “Unheard Third” survey, most low-income New Yorkers rank crime and safety in their neighborhoods as a concern above racist policing. This drew grumbles from the crowd and platitudes from the candidates, until de Blasio got it right. Safety built on policing that tramples civil liberties and does not have the trust of communities, he noted, “is unsustainable.” The comment points to the interconnectedness of these issues, which often goes unnoticed in the world of actuarial policymaking, which seeks discrete interventions for individual problems. When low-income residents worry about crime in their neighborhoods, as an excellent piece in City Limits observed recently, they fear the cumulative impact crime has on their neighborhood, not just muggings and break-ins but criminalization of youth, militarization of streets and schools, and stray bullets from police and gang members alike.
As the forum was drawing to a close, one final issue came up in a spectacular
way. As Lehrer moved to wrap up, an audience member stood up and shouted “you forgot about housing!” The crowd quickly backed her, chanting “HOUS-ING, HOUS-ING!” until Lehrer moved to add an additional question, and fifteen minutes, to the program. The problem was not merely that a pet issue was overlooked but, rather, that specific efforts aimed at the working people and working poor of New York City can have only a meager and limited impact if the overall plan for development writes them out. Koch’s aggressive promotion of gentrification limited the impact of his otherwise-successful housing plan, which never quite reached the New Yorkers most in need of a place to live. It also limited his commitment to civil liberties, as mayors who followed used the privatization of public space to prevent protest (Koch, who once strummed a guitar in Washington Square Park in solidarity with the lefty folksingers who had come under attack from local residents, was appalled when Bloomberg and the Central Park Conservancy—founded during Koch’s mayoralty—denied protesters a permit during the 2004 Republican National Convention). Bloomberg also launched another ten-year housing plan, though in the hyper-gentrified city of the early twenty-first century, what counts as affordable housing has become remarkably high-priced, aimed not at those in the bottom half of the hourglass economy but those just above its narrow waist. Dinkins, for all his failures, realized the need to redirect housing and development policy toward the city’s working people and working poor.
Faced with the question, most candidates stuck to the current formula—private development, incentivized by tax breaks—though they promised to be “tougher” on developers and demand more “truly affordable” units in return for abatements, land, and the like. These policies need adjusting, to be sure, but such tinkering hardly seems transformative. A pair of ideas did sneak in, however: Thompson, addressing the proposal to sell off the New York City Housing Authority’s (NYCHA) playgrounds and parking lots for private development to help cover costs, called the idea “terrible.” If NYCHA needs funding, he argued, the mayor needs to go out and get it from the state and the feds, and if development is to take place on NYCHA-owned land, let it be for those who need homes most. De Blasio, meanwhile, suggested that the city and city unions might invest their pension funds in “truly affordable” housing, entering the market as a developer and not just an incentivizer. Supporting public housing and building with pension funds are not novel ideas. Both were standard mid-century housing strategies in New York City, which disappeared with the fiscal crisis and the rise of Koch. They may yet serve the city well.
Social and spatial inequalities are mutually constitutive, and policies that seek to address the former while perpetuating the latter will always be severely limited in their impact. As the forum at First Corinthian demonstrated, debates about everything from stop-and-frisk policing to tax policy to charter school co-location policies have hinged on the question of how these initiatives fit into a larger development strategy. A city in which problems of violent crime (and violent policing), inadequate schools, homelessness, and unemployment are relegated by gentrification to neighborhoods like East Flatbush may be attractive to many better-off New Yorkers, but it is inherently unequal and unstable.
The next Democratic mayor of New York will not be able to dictate the shape of the global economy or the health of that economy when he or she takes office. The mayor will have to manage his or her image to satisfy at least some budget hawks and law-and-order types in order to keep them in the Democratic fold, in a way that Dinkins was never able to do. But with large numbers of New Yorkers living within spitting distance of poverty—close to 46 percent were within 150 percent of the poverty line in 2011, according to a recent city report—despite the most recent round of spectacular development, they will also have to imagine a city in which those in the bottom half of the hourglass are not relegated to the margins, either spatially or socially. Thirty-six years after Koch’s inaugural embrace of gentrification, it is time for the Democrats to embrace a new urbanism. May they do it with hizzoner’s verve.
Nick Juravich is a graduate student in the history department at Columbia University. He blogs about the Crown Heights neighborhood in Brooklyn at www.ilovefranklinave.blogspot.com.
* As an aside, McNickle’s account of the Central Park jogger case, reprinted from 1993, is sorely in need of an update. (Five young men of color were convicted for a brutal assault in 1989; their convictions were vacated in 2002 after new evidence came to light.) Rather than investigating why so many believed that the accused were guilty, the author merely tacks on a sentence that attests to their innocence.
Book Review: Chris McNickle, The Power of the Mayor: David Dinkins, 1990-1993
2/18/2016 1 Comment
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Chris McNickle, The Power of the Mayor: David Dinkins, 1990-1993 (New Brunswick and London: Transaction Publishers, 2013).
Review by Jerald Podair
There is an old saying that it is better to be lucky than good. David Dinkins, Mayor of the City of New York from 1990 to 1993 was, as Chris McNickle observes in his The Power of the Mayor, <
Dinkins’ controversial responses to the three major racial incidents of his mayoralty essentially defined his time in office. The Korean grocery boycott of 1990-91 and the Crown Heights (1991) and Washington Heights (1992) disturbances all cast Dinkins in the eyes of his critics as a hesitant leader at best and at worst a panderer to radicalized violence and reverse bigotry. McNickle’s analysis of these three crises is <
McNickle also offers a relatively overlooked explanation for Dinkins’ often tortuously deliberate approaches to these and other challenges. Obscured by the prevailing view of Dinkins as an urban liberal, labor advocate, and civil rights pioneer is another important identity: Tammany Hall machine politician. As McNickle observes, a “machine” culture entails more than rewarding friends and punishing enemies. It encourages an aversion to hasty judgments and a reluctance to make decisions until absolutely necessary. The Tammany tradition that formed Dinkins’ political sensibilities was one of closed-mouthed men who kept their own counsel and moved slowly and carefully. This style suited leaders like “Silent Charlie” Murphy, perhaps the most powerful of the Tammany bosses, during his reign in the early decades of the 20th century. But Charlie Murphy was never mayor of New York. He never had to unite a city or speak for all of its citizens. “Tammany leaders could be emotionless,” McNickle writes. “But the mayor of New York is the human point where the collective consciousness of the city’s millions of people comes together in a single person. He must read the public mood and respond to it to give expression to citywide emotions” (xvi).
This Dinkins seemed unable to do. A man whose manners and reserve were “read” by many New Yorkers as lack of passion, Dinkins could not forge the crucial emotional connections with the men and women of the city that characterized successful mayors. When in the wake of a particularly unsettling murder of a tourist during a crime wave in September 1990 the New York Post headlined, “Dave, Do Something!,” it was expressing this desire for a mayor who appeared to share the anguish of the people he led. Unquestionably, the decent and compassionate Dinkins did. But his machine-instilled qualities of forbearance and caution served him poorly when faced with circumstances that demanded fast and decisive action. When protestors in the Flatbush section of Brooklyn blocked the entrance to the Family Red Apple Market, harassed patrons, and defied a court order, Dinkins deliberated. When mobs rampaged through Crown Heights after the death of a seven year-old boy at the hands of a negligent motorist, Dinkins deliberated. When he had the opportunity to show support for a policeman who shot an armed, attacking drug gang member in Washington Heights, Dinkins deliberated.
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Yusuf Hawkins's parents, three days after his murder. He was shot to death after being chased by a mob of white youths in a racially motivated killing
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Bensonhurst residents shout racial slurs and taunt marchers as they walk toward the 62nd Precinct to protest the murder
The mayor’s hesitations during these incidents reflected more than his machine politics-derived culture, of course. All three involved race. Here Dinkins faced the great contradiction of his mayoralty. His 1989 victories over Edward Koch and Rudolph Giuliani, two candidates closely associated with “white” New York, had been hailed as acts of racial expiation in a city rent by the murder of black youth Yusuf Hawkins in August of that year. Dinkins had attracted significant levels of support in the white community, especially among Jews. He was virtually the only African American politician in New York who reached out to white ethnics, supporting the State of Israel, attending Italian street festivals, and marching in the St. Patrick’s Day Parade.
But David Dinkins was also New York’s first African American mayor, with a deep and longstanding commitment to the struggle for equal rights in the city and nation. During the Korean grocery boycott and the Crown Heights and Washington Heights disturbances, there existed opposed “white” and “non-white” positions. Dinkins attempted to mediate the two. Eight months after the grocery protest began, he traveled to the store and made a symbolic purchase. But he also allowed the demonstrators to violate a court order keeping them a reasonable distance from the store and appointed a commission to investigate the incident that largely supported the boycotters. At Crown Heights Dinkins visited the deathbed of Yankel Rosenbaum, the Orthodox Jew stabbed by a rioter amid shouts of “Get the Jew!” But Dinkins would not order a full-on police crackdown against the violence in the area until its fourth night. While he had the police act more expeditiously during the Washington Heights disturbance, Dinkins also met with the family of the slain drug offender and had the city pay for his body to be flown to his funeral in the Dominican Republic.
Through these responses,<< Dinkins sought a center that could not hold.>> In the racially fraught New York of the early 1990s, it was impossible to simultaneously address the concerns of rival ethnic/racial coalitions that McNickle labels “conservative” (Catholics, less liberal Jews, and culturally traditional Latinos) and “liberal” (African Americans, most Latinos, and left-of-center Jews). It was Dinkins’ misfortune to be mayor during a period when these coalitions were of almost equal strength and the middle ground between them virtually nonexistent.
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Yankel Rosenbaum's casket is carried in a public funeral through Crown Heights
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Black New Yorkers demonstrate in front of two Korean grocery stores in Brooklyn as part of a continuing boycott
Dinkins’ own political psyche was deeply divided. On one hand he was a coalition builder, assuring white New Yorkers that a vote for him was one for racial peace and implying that this peace could be achieved at little or no cost to them. On the other he was a self-conscious symbol of racial change and of redistribution of social, political, and economic resources that would indeed exact a price from whites in the city. Dinkins’ refusal to immediately cross the Korean grocery boycott picket line, his delay in ordering a crackdown on the Crown Heights violence, and his courtesies to the family of a violent criminal in Washington Heights all sent unwelcome messages to whites. Enough of them defected to Rudolph Giuliani –- a “white” candidate if there ever was one -– to swing the 1993 election to him. Dinkins, then, may have been less a “failure” than a racial truth-teller whose message was ahead of its time.
Even this may not give Dinkins enough credit. The long shadow cast by Rudolph Giuliani on New York City mayoral politics makes his victory in 1993 appear almost foreordained. It was not. The 1993 election was extremely close. As McNickle shows, relatively small drop-offs in support among Jewish and Latino voters from Dinkins’ 1989 totals, combined with an especially heavy turnout on Staten Island (a secession referendum for the borough was on the ballot that year) combined to convert a narrow Dinkins victory in 1989 into a narrow defeat in 1993. Dinkins won 50.4% of the city’s votes for mayor in 1989, and 48% in 1993. His “failure” may have amounted to losing a closely contested reelection bid whose outcome was in doubt until its final hours.
Had Dinkins won in 1993, the work of his administration would likely have been cast in a different historical light. Dinkins brought in four consecutive balanced municipal budgets and never suffered the humiliation of losing authority over the city’s finances to the New York State Financial Control Board. He began to get a grip on violent crime, which dropped each of the last three years of his administration. Dinkins’ “Safe Streets, Safe City” initiative was not fully implemented until late in his term due to budget constraints, but it proved greatly beneficial to the Giuliani administration in its own highly publicized and much lauded anticrime program. Dinkins began the process of eliminating the infamous “squeegee men” from city intersections and exit ramps, another “quality of life” reform usually credited to Giuliani. Dinkins’ police commissioner even brought in George Kelling, the Harvard professor who helped formulate the “broken windows” approach to crime prevention that is also closely linked to the Giuliani years, to perform a study for his department.
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Dinkins also began to change the cultural landscape of the city. His view of New York as a “gorgeous mosaic,” derided and parodied by his political opponents at the time, proved prescient and anticipated the diverse city of the 21st century. Dinkins may have done more to realize the vision of a broadly inclusive New York than any mayor since Fiorello La Guardia. The politics and culture of the contemporary city bear the stamp of his years in office.
But while David Dinkins may not have failed as mayor, neither did he succeed. The straitened economic times in which he governed made it impossible to be what he was at heart: a liberal who wished to expand government services and advance the fortunes of organized labor. Whipsawed between budget hawks and doves within his own administration, he was hamstrung in his efforts on both fronts. As McNickle notes, Dinkins did not govern the New York of Fiorello La Guardia, Robert Wagner, or even John Lindsay, in which a workable consensus existed in support of public spending and union rights. In the wake of the city’s mid-1970s fiscal crisis a neoliberal impulse emerged that challenged older verities. Dinkins had to deal with its implications in the 1990s and could muster at best about half the electorate in support of his more expansive goals. He was forced to govern as a reluctant budget-balancer and fiscal realist. Dinkins had spent over three decades climbing the greasy pole of New York City politics, no doubt dreaming of the generous, egalitarian city he would govern when he reached the top. But when he finally arrived, his moment was gone, a casualty of the harsh truths of municipal economics and the costs of good intentions. Even the power of the mayor would not be enough. It is indeed better to be lucky than good.
Jerald Podair is Professor of History at Lawrence University, and the author of The Strike That Changed New York: Blacks, Whites, and the Ocean Hill-Brownsville Crisis.
Rating a Mayor of New York
Bookshelf
By SAM ROBERTS NOV. 30, 2012
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New Yorkers have an uncanny knack for electing the right mayoral candidate at the right time. In the racially charged urban climate agitated by a bombastic Edward I. Koch, the balm-throwing David N. Dinkins presented himself in 1989 as an ideal alternative: a black politician campaigning for conciliation.
Mayor Dinkins, Chris McNickle writes in “The Power of the Mayor: David Dinkins, 1990-1993” (Transaction Publishers, $39.95), balanced four budgets in a period of economic distress, presided over a city in which crime began its decline and left the school system no worse off than when he took office.
But Mr. McNickle, the managing director of a financial services firm and author of a previous book on New York mayors, renders a verdict on Mr. Dinkins that is a timely reminder for voters and candidates on the brink of another mayoral race: appearances count, too.
Despite the achievements that he accomplished or inspired, Mr. McNickle writes, “David Dinkins failed as mayor” because his “administration managed its accomplishments in ways that diminished confidence in the mayor’s ability to govern.”
In 2006, Wilbur C. Rich’s “David Dinkins and New York City Politics” explored the administration largely through the lens of news coverage. Mr. McNickle’s cleareyed book is the first in-depth exploration of the sort that has been accorded to the mayors Mr. Dinkins was sandwiched between: Mr. Koch and Rudolph W. Giuliani.
The Power Of The Mayor
Chris McNickle
Transaction Publishers
35 Berrue Circle
Piscataway, NJ 08854-8042
www.transactionpub.com
9781412849593, $39.95, www.amazon.com
David Norman Dinkins (born July 10, 1927) is a former politician and Mayor of New York City from 1990 to 1993. He was the first and is, to date, the only African American to hold that office. "The Power of the Mayor: David Dinkins: 1990-1993" by Chris McNickle is a 324 page critique of David Dinkins four year term as the mayor of New York, noting the flaws of his political leadership style as well as his political successes which were to include balancing four annual budges, preventing a fiscal takeover by the unelected new York State Financial Control Board, a substantial reduction in the crime rate, structural changes to the municipal public school system, and improved access to health care services for the poor. <
ARCHIVES | 1993
King of the Hill, Top of the Heap
By SAM ROBERTS
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The article as it originally appeared.
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A PHOENIX IN THE ASHES The Rise and Fall of the Koch Coalition in New York City Politics. By John Hull Mollenkopf. 285 pp. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press. $35. TO BE MAYOR OF NEW YORK Ethnic Politics in the City. By Chris McNickle. Illustrated. 403 pp. New York: Columbia University Press. $29.95.
TWO years ago the chairman of the Budapest City Council's Committee on Human Rights and Minorities spent several weeks surveying the Balkanization of New York City. In Budapest, Dr. Gabor Nagy said, the predominant minority group, the Gypsies, constitutes only about 10 percent of the population. In New York, as he discovered while observing the first campaign for an expanded City Council, political power is more fragmented.
"This is not just a city of ethnic concerns," Dr. Nagy concluded. "It's a city that requires taxation and services. This guy will represent the gays and that one the African-Americans and this one the Hispanic people and that one the Asians.
"But who," he asked, "will represent the majority?"
The answer is simple: it is supposed to be the Mayor. In New York, though, there is a second part to the question that is considerably more challenging: exactly who, in a shifting constellation of fading and rising stars, is the majority? Whoever is elected Mayor this year will preside as his constituents begin to mark the centennial of greater New York. (In 1898, what are now the five boroughs joined together as a single city.) Given the intensity of tribal politics, it seems remarkable that New Yorkers have stuck together so long. Two scholarly analyses illuminate an unsurprising conclusion about New York's current political cohesion: race coupled with ethnicity and religion, more than class, galvanizes and unites the city's shrinking white majority as the century ends.
John H. Mollenkopf's new study, "A Phoenix in the Ashes," is a thorough, if sometimes pedantic, analysis of the changing electorate on which Edward I. Koch capitalized to become New York's 105th Mayor in 1977 and which, having continued to change, discarded him 12 years later. "To Be Mayor of New York," by Chris McNickle, is an encyclopedic overview from the 1880's to the present; it contributes the vital context in which to consider today's events.
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Historical perspective is the one ingredient lacking in Mr. Mollenkopf's otherwise instructive account, which amplifies on demographic research he did as a political science professor at the Graduate Center of the City University of New York. Mr. Mollenkopf suggests that Mr. Koch actively exploited middle-class white fears of black and Hispanic encroachment and capitalized on the divisions among his opponents; dispensed "new patronage" to a network of community service providers; struck an accommodation with a rebounding regular Democratic Party organization; and forged a growth-minded coalition with real-estate developers and the corporate elite. "His genius," Mr. Mollenkopf writes, "lay in his ability to construct a new kind of dominant political coalition that made the pursuit of economic growth a politically rational thing to do."
Mr. Koch's successor, David N. Dinkins, benefited from a New York tradition of interracial trust to fashion a "black-led, biracial and multiethnic insurgent coalition," Mr. Mollenkopf writes. But, he continues, except perhaps for the racial card, Mr. Dinkins's agenda as Mayor has seemed strikingly similar to Mr. Koch's. This finely nuanced and sophisticated analysis (supplemented with research by Charles Brecher and Raymond D. Horton of the Citizens Budget Commission) suffers only when it lapses into jargon and seems to infer too much from voting patterns.
Mr. McNickle's history of ethnic succession, and of ethnic secession from changing majorities, is the product of a dangerous exercise: transforming a doctoral dissertation in history into a book. In this case, the author has succeeded. Mr. McNickle, a pension fund consultant, locates the seeds of the Koch coalition in the 1960's, when the city's white majority began to put aside historical ethnic and religious rivalries. "A political alliance emerged in the wake of that decade led by not-so-liberal Jews, supported by Irish Catholics, Italian Catholics and other whites," he writes. "Racial tension held it together."
"To Be Mayor of New York" is a reminder that in a city where ethnic politics is a preoccupation, <
SPRINKLED through the text are <
"To Be Mayor of New York" is <
That the candidates so often sound alike places a greater premium on how they look. "To be Mayor of New York," Mr. McNickle writes, "requires a leader who can reconcile the competing visions the city's ethnic groups hold of the metropolis, at least in sufficient measure to win the confidence of a majority."
Regardless of how they sound or look while they are running, candidates often tend to act similarly once they win. Getting re-elected requires not only the promise of reconciliation, but the demonstrated leadership and vision that denies rivals a compelling rationale. Mr. Mollenkopf suggests one vehicle for Mr. Dinkins to use to contribute a new dimension to New York City politics: "an alliance between the city workers and community-based organizations who produce public services and the neighborhood residents who use them." But in every potential ash heap, another would-be Phoenix lies in wait. As a consequence of the Mayor's caution, Mr. Mollenkopf concludes, "the Dinkins coalition may founder, as have many of its reform predecessors, on its internal contradictions, opening the way to efforts to restore the Koch coalition in some new form."
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A version of this review appears in print on April 18, 1993, on Page 7007014 of the National edition with the headline: King of the Hill, Top of the Heap. Today's Paper|Subscribe
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