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WORK TITLE: Religion, Community, and Slavery on the Colonial Southern Frontier
WORK NOTES:
PSEUDONYM(S):
BIRTHDATE: 1952
WEBSITE:
CITY: Atlanta
STATE: GA
COUNTRY:
NATIONALITY:
http://history.emory.edu/home/people/faculty/melton-james.html * http://emory.academia.edu/JamesMelton/CurriculumVitae
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LC control no.: n 87945106
LCCN Permalink: https://lccn.loc.gov/n87945106
HEADING: Melton, James Van Horn, 1952-
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PERSONAL
Born 1952.
EDUCATION:Vanderbilt University, B.A., 1974; University of Chicago, M.A., 1975, Ph.D., 1982.
ADDRESS
CAREER
Emory University, Atlanta, GA, professor of history.
WRITINGS
SIDELIGHTS
James Van Horn Melton is a professor of history at Emory University in Atlanta, Georgia. He has written numerous books on European and U.S. history, including Paths of Continuity: Central European Historiography from the 1930s to the 1950s, The Rise of the Public in Enlightenment Europe, Cultures of Communication from Reformation to Enlightenment: Constructing Publics in the Early Modern German Lands, Pietism in Germany and North America 1680-1820, and Religion, Community, and Slavery on the Colonial Southern Frontier.
The Rise of the Public in Enlightenment Europe
In The Rise of the Public in Enlightenment Europe, Melton “traces the explosion of public institutions in eighteenth-century England, France and the Germanies,” wrote Gary Marker in Journal of European Studies. He displays the rise in pubs, newspapers, cafes, and lodges. Melton particularly describes the print culture that sprang up in the eighteenth century in newspapers and books. Marker commented that although the book is simple and readable, “This book, then, should be of equal interest to specialists, who can gain much from its synthetic discussions of eighteenth-century sociability and the public, and to undergraduates, who will find the narrative readable and sophisticated. The brief bibliographic essays at the end of each chapter offer very useful guides to further reading.”
In the Journal of Interdisciplinary History, Margaret C. Jacob wrote: “Now we have a well-written and conceptually clear account of the new public that arose in the major states of eighteenth-century Europe.” Jacobs added: “Good books on general aspects of the European Enlightenment, or just on eighteenth-century European cultural forms, are still rare. Melton’s book on the public sphere can be recommended.”
Religion, Community, and Slavery on the Colonial Southern Frontier
In Religion, Community, and Slavery on the Colonial Southern Frontier, Melton focuses in on one community in particular, the settlement of Ebenezer in Georgia. Founded in 1734, it was a haven for Lutheran religious exiles from Austria. The first half of the book focuses in on Salzburg and its vibrant religious life. The second half of the book shifts to the founding of Ebenezer and the issue of slavery. Ebenezer was opposed to slavery, but as Melton explains, the opposition wasn’t based on religious grounds but of a more pragmatic nature. Georgia wanted to stay slave-free in the hopes of avoiding British scrutiny. Ebenezer eventually embraced slavery, but to a lesser extent than the rest of Georgia. This was due to the large number of self-reliant townspeople and to the insulated nature of the settlement.
Russell Kleckley, writing on the Junto website, was impressed with the book and commented: “Melton’s work is impressive, and his use of previously underused archival sources brings important new insights. … His book informs and illuminates several directions at once, the issue of slavery in colonial America, the story of the Salzburger refugees and Ebenezer, and the role of religion. In the Journal of Southern History, Katherine Gerbner wrote: “Melton’s study should appeal to Europeanists and early Americanists alike. It is a model of transatlantic scholarship with its careful attention to culture, religion, and politics in both Salzburg and Ebenezer. For early Americanists, in particular, Melton demonstrates the importance of a transatlantic perspective and offers new insight into the European roots of one of Georgia’s most unusual group of settlers.”
BIOCRIT
PERIODICALS
English Historical Review, vol. 111, no. 443, 1996, Michael Burleigh, review of Paths of Continuity: Central European Historiography from the 1930s to the 1950s, p. 1029.
Journal of European Studies, vol. 25 no. 97, 1995, Joachim Whaley, review of Paths of Continuity, p. 106; vol. 32 no. 1, 2002, Gary Marker, review of The Rise of the Public in Enlightenment Europe, p. 69.
Journal of Southern History, vol. 82 no. 4, 2016, Katharine Gerbner, review of Religion, Community, and Slavery on the Colonial Southern Frontier, p. 905.
ONLINE
Journal of Interdisciplinary History, https://muse.jhu.edu (July 26, 2017), review of The Rise of the Public in Enlightenment Europe.
Junto, https://earlyamericanists.com (April 9, 2015), review of Religion, Community, and Slavery on the Colonial Southern Frontier.*
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Curriculum Vitae
James Melton
Emory University, History, Faculty Member DOWNLOAD
October 2016
JAMES VAN HORN MELTON Professor of History Emory University
Department of HistoryBowden Hall 303Emory UniversityAtlanta !A 30033"0"#$2%#&0'0 (melt01)emory*ed+
Education
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James V.H. Melton
Photo of
Professor
Department of History
Office: Bowden 303
Phone: (404) 727-4475
Email: jmelt01@emory.edu
Biography
James V.H. Melton, Professor (Ph.D., University of Chicago, 1982; B.A. Vanderbilt University, 1974). Enlightenment Europe, Atlantic World, early modern German and Austrian History.
Author of Religion, Community, and Slavery on the Colonial Southern Frontier (Cambridge University Press, 2015), awarded the Austrian Studies Book Prize for the best book in the field published in 2014 and 2015; The Rise of the Public in Enlightenment Europe (Cambridge University Press, 2001; Spanish ed. 2009; Turkish ed. 2011); Absolutism and the Eighteenth-Century Origins of Compulsory Schooling in Prussia and Austria (Cambridge University Press, 1988), awarded the Best Book Prize by the Central European History Conference Group of the American Historical Association. Co-editor, Pietism in Germany and North America, 1680-1820 (Ashgate Publishing, 2009); co-editor, Paths of Continuity: German Historical Scholarship from the 1920s to the 1960s (Cambridge University Press, 1994); co-translator of Otto Brunner, Land and Lordship: Structures of Governance in Medieval Austria (University of Pennsylvania Press, 1992); and editor, Cultures of Communication from Reformation to Enlightenment: Constructing Publics in the Early Modern German Lands (Ashgate Publishing, 2002).
A past president of the Central European History Society (2012-13), he is a former chair of the Department of History (2001-03) and the Department of German Studies (2003-05). His current project, “The Imperial Lives of Lorenzo Da Ponte,” grew out of a longstanding interest in Mozart and his cultural world. The life of Da Ponte (1749-1838), Mozart’s librettist and collaborator, unfolded across the imperial metropoles of Venice, Vienna, London, and New York. In following Da Ponte’s cultural odyssey from the Old World to the New, the project explores how this man on the move – and on the make – made sense of his life and of his world through a constant process of cultural adaptation and re-invention.
My Curriculum Vitae
Education
BA, Vanderbilt University, 1974.
MA, University of Chicago, 1975.
PhD, University of Chicago, 1982.
Interests
Early Modern Central European History
Enlightenment Europe
Atlantic world
Current Graduate Students
Andrew Zonderman
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Print Marked Items
Religion, Community, and Slavery on the
Colonial Southern Frontier
Katharine Gerbner
Journal of Southern History.
82.4 (Nov. 2016): p905.
COPYRIGHT 2016 Southern Historical Association
http://www.uga.edu/~sha
Full Text:
Religion, Community, and Slavery on the Colonial Southern Frontier. By James Van Horn Melton. Cambridge Studies
on the American South. (New York and other cities: Cambridge University Press, 2015. Pp. xiv, 321. $99.99, ISBN
978-1-107-06328-0.)
In Religion, Community, and Slavery on the Colonial Southern Frontier, James Van Horn Melton brings his expertise
in Pietism and early modern European history to colonial Georgia. His transatlantic study follows the Salzburgers, a
group of exiled Protestants, from the Alps to America, where they founded the town of Ebenezer, Georgia. Within
colonial American history, the Salzburgers are known as the authors of one of the first antislavery petitions in the
American South. For European historians, the history of the Salzburg expulsion has been focused on the migration
from the Alps to Prussia, where the vast majority of exiled Protestants resettled. Melton's contribution is twofold: for
early Americanists, he describes the European experiences of the Salzburgers in fascinating detail, demonstrating how
they developed their distrust of slavery and their comparatively successful and insular frontier community. For
Europeanists, Melton's study serves as a reminder of the transatlantic dimensions of the Salzburg exile.
Melton's study is divided into two parts: "From Europe to America" and "Ebenezer." Part 1 explores the lives of the
Salzburgers in their alpine homeland and their subsequent exile. Melton focuses on Thomas Geschwandel, a miner
from Bad Gastein who immigrated to Georgia with his family. While Protestants and Catholics had coexisted in
Salzburg for centuries, the arrival of Jesuit missionaries in 1728 destabilized the delicate balance of assimilation and
dissent that characterized crypto-Protestantism in the area. The missionaries hardened confessional boundaries, leading
to mass exodus. In the summer of 1733 Thomas Geschwandel was one of thousands who migrated after expulsion.
While the vast majority of exiles traveled to Prussia, Geschwandel chose a different route. In 1733, just as he and his
family were leaving Salzburg, the British Parliament agreed to fund the costs for resettling Salzburg exiles in the newly
founded colony of Georgia. The expulsion had become a cause celebre for Pietist and Anglican philanthropists, and the
Trustees of Georgia viewed the Salzburgers as ideal migrants. The Salzburgers bolstered the philanthropic credentials
of the Georgia colony, which was intended to support poor and persecuted Protestants. Georgia was also an important
military buffer between South Carolina and Spanish Florida. For this reason, among others, the Trustees of Georgia
forbade the importation of slaves into the colony.
Led by their Pietist pastor Johann Martin Boltzius, the Salzburgers arrived in Charles Town in 1734. There, Boltzius
noted that the reliance on slave labor was a "great danger" (p. 136). In Ebenezer, the Salzburgers continued to oppose
the introduction of slavery. They countered the arguments of the proslavery Malcontents by insisting that white people
were capable of cultivating rice in the Georgia heat. However, as Melton emphasizes, the Salzburgers did not oppose
slavery for religious or moral reasons. Instead, they viewed slaves as an economic and physical threat to their
community. Melton suggests that the Salzburgers' antislavery position was based on their insularity as well as their
economic success. Unlike English settlers, the Salzburgers had a diverse skill set that included both agricultural and
skilled labor, providing them with more flexibility on the frontier.
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Despite their antislavery position, the Salzburgers eventually adapted to slavery after the ban on slave labor was lifted
in 1750. Melton observes that Boltzius's stance on Africans actually became markedly more positive after the
introduction of slavery. Inspired by George Whitefield, Boltzius began to view slaves as potential converts, and he
regularly baptized enslaved children. Still, this optimism eventually faded, and by 1763, two years before his death,
Boltzius regretted his acceptance of slavery, viewing it as a "metaphor for how Ebenezer, once chosen and thus
exceptional in God's eyes, had succumbed to worldly temptation" (p. 268).
Melton's study should appeal to Europeanists and early Americanists alike. It is a model of transatlantic scholarship
with its careful attention to culture, religion, and politics in both Salzburg and Ebenezer. For early Americanists, in
particular, Melton demonstrates the importance of a transatlantic perspective and offers new insight into the European
roots of one of Georgia's most unusual group of settlers.
KATHARINE GERBNER
University of Minnesota
Gerbner, Katharine
Source Citation (MLA 8
th Edition)
Gerbner, Katharine. "Religion, Community, and Slavery on the Colonial Southern Frontier." Journal of Southern
History, vol. 82, no. 4, 2016, p. 905+. General OneFile, go.galegroup.com/ps/i.do?
p=ITOF&sw=w&u=schlager&v=2.1&id=GALE%7CA470867667&it=r&asid=25e27a904a5668de0c4f21750172d78b.
Accessed 4 July 2017.
Gale Document Number: GALE|A470867667
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Religion and Politics in Enlightenment Europe
John B. Roney
Journal of Church and State.
46.1 (Winter 2004): p161.
COPYRIGHT 2004 Oxford University Press
https://academic.oup.com/journals
Full Text:
Religion and Politics in Enlightenment Europe. Edited by James E. Bradley and Dale K. Van Kley. Notre Dame, Ind.:
Notre Dame University Press, 2001. 409 pp. $54.95 cloth, $24.95 paper.
Ten years ago the title of this book would be more of an anomaly, but current scholarship has written religion back into
the eighteenth-century Enlightenment; indeed it was always there. The earlier work of Cassirer, Hazard, Gay, or Venturi
saw only a unified rationalistic reaction to traditional authority based on religion. Jonathan Israel, in Radical
Enlightenment, has recently clarified the place of a smaller group of radicals, and has pointed out that even the most
radical Spinozian ideas were often spread unwittingly by theologians trying to combat its influence. In contrast, Israel
also points to a larger, moderate Christian Enlightenment. Van Kley has already demonstrated the important role of
religion in his Religious Origins of the French Revolution. All the authors of this new volume make a strong point for
further divisions between Catholic and Protestant Enlightenments, all of which took a different hue depending on
region or national identity.
Although religious orthodoxy in a state church was necessary to maintain political order, the conflict in the eighteenth
century moved the battle lines away from monolithic institutions and to the "intra-confessional nature of religious
contested ground" (p. 25). Non-conformity and toleration and the "unsettled issues of authority centering around the
interplay betweens ecclesiastical and civil polities" (p. 26) brought religious ideas into a new arena of discussion--freed
from institutional control religion could become a new ally to a republic or an enemy of an absolutist state, and vice
versa. In the case of international Jansenism, it developed within a "process of precocious politicization ... [that gave it]
a more pronounced anti-absolutist political point than in the case of the philosophes as late as on the eve of the
Revolution" (p. 63); this is well documented by Dale Van Kley in the Netherlands, France, and Italy, in Spain by
Charles Noel, and in Habsburg Austria by W.R. Ward.
In the case of Great Britain, James Bradley demonstrates that the many dissenting churches were often the origin of
radical politics. The Scottish Presbyterian tradition offered a well-argued basis for authority in "Scripture and right
reason," and therefore civil government was "construed as both voluntary and mutual" (p. 189). Anti-Catholicism was a
veiled attack on the political control of state churches, namely the Church of England, and therefore more directly
focused on anti-clericalism and anti-establishment than an attack on Catholicism. The tradition of individual
conscience, nurtured in nonconformist churches can also be seen in the Dutch Republic. Wayne te Brake shows that the
Dutch Republic developed a high degree of toleration supported by religious groups, which had greater economic and
political interests in mind. In Deventer, an older independent trading center, "the interests that the champions of the
"true Reformed Christian Religion" sought to protect were more clearly economic than theological" (p. 277). Thus,
Catholics and Protestants formed cross-;alliances. James Van Horn Melton shows how Pietism supported Frederick I's
enlightened despotism in Prussia. While Pietism had an internal religious focus, it was "accompanied by a determined
social activism" that gave Frederick a loyal following against the usurping aristocracy. Like the "republic of letters' and
Enlightenment societies, Pietist conventicles gave an increasing number of people access to the public sphere,
especially women. In Russia, control over the Orthodox Church had been carefully guarded by the monastic clergy, but
under the governmental reforms of the eighteenth century, Olga Tspina demonstrates how the parish clergy supported
the reforms through a transformation into a more Protestant-type organization.
JOHN B. RONEY
SACRED HEART UNIVERSITY
FAIRFIELD, CONNECTICUT
Roney, John B.
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Source Citation (MLA 8
th Edition)
Roney, John B. "Religion and Politics in Enlightenment Europe." Journal of Church and State, Winter 2004, p. 161+.
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p=ITOF&sw=w&u=schlager&v=2.1&id=GALE%7CA116527053&it=r&asid=a72d4e51616f3c79be6f569664d513a4.
Accessed 4 July 2017.
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Religion and Politics in Enlightenment Europe
Eric W. Carlsson
Church History.
71.3 (Sept. 2002): p662.
COPYRIGHT 2002 American Society of Church History
http://www.churchhistory.org/church-history-journal/
Full Text:
Edited By James E. Bradley and Dale K. Van Kley. Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 2001. xiv + 409
pp. $54.95 cloth; $24.95 paper.
Taken together, the seven original essays that make up this fascinating volume in comparative religious history advance
a novel and rather counterintuitive argument about the political role of religion in ancien regime Europe. Spelled out in
the editors' substantial Introduction, that thesis states that a critical source for the undermining of the post-Reformation
confessional state came from unlikely quarters: from orthodox dissenters among Catholic, Protestant, and Eastern
Orthodox Christians, who for various reasons opposed their respective ecclesiastical establishments and the political
orders that supported them. In the present studies, Jansenists in the Netherlands, France, Italy, Spain, and Austria;
Nonconformists in Britain and Ireland; Reformed ministers and lay Catholics in the Netherlands; Pietists in the German
lands; and Orthodox parish clergy in Russia all appear as proponents of political reform. In the cases of France, the
British Isles, the Netherlands, and Wurttemberg, furthermore, orthodox dissenters are shown to have espoused
downright radical political agendas, championing such protoliberal notions as individual rights, religious toleration, and
constitutional limits on government.
What makes that argument notable is the fact that religion, and especially forms of religious orthodoxy, have typically
been viewed as ardent defenders of the Old Regime. The authors do, indeed, assume that religion could and did act as a
major force for political conservatism. But their concern lies in showing how, under a variety of conditions, orthodox
religious stances could just as well issue in reformist or radical politics. The key issues revolved around ecclesiastical
polity and hence, inevitably, church-state relations. Differences over these matters, it is argued, introduced structural
tensions within the church establishments, which ultimately did as much or more to undermine the confessional states
than did external opposition in the form of heterodox dissent or enlightened critique.
A comparative study on the ambitious scale of Religion and Politics in Enlightenment Europe inevitably runs up
against the hurdle of making valid and incisive generalizations while keeping the diversity of historical particularities
clearly in view. The knottiest problem here surrounds the term "orthodox," since that concept is central to the larger
argument. The editors define orthodoxy broadly, to include Christians who accepted their confessional tradition's
doctrine--most centrally the Trinity and the deity of Christ--even if they objected to its hierarchical ecclesiastical
establishment. This definition facilitates the inclusion of Jansenism, which was condemned by the papacy even if it
always disavowed alleged doctrinal errors and which, except for the Church of Utrecht, always remained in
communion with Rome. It is well to keep in mind, however, that, while a useful heuristic device, such a
supraconfessional definition of orthodoxy was not current in the eighteenth century itself. On the other hand, the
volume's comparative perspective does allow a number of meaningful connections to be drawn among the dissenters.
Despite obvious differences, they all tended to privilege the laity and parish clergy over church hierarchy, personally
assimilated faith over formalism, and simpler forms of worship over ritualism. Among Protestants, a premium was
placed, too, on the rights of individual conscience over obedience to external authority. Such convergences meant that
the dissenters often had more in common across the confessional divides than they did with opponents within their own
church establishments.
The information-packed individual essays abound in interesting local insights, only a sampling of which can be
mentioned here. A persistent theme is the relationship between orthodox dissent and the Enlightenment. Since
heterodox or secular enlightened thinking is usually supposed to have been the main ideological source for political
reform, it is noteworthy that French and British radicalism, in particular, are identified with that great foe of the century
of lights, neo-Augustinian Christianity. Dale Van Kley builds on his extensive research on Jansenism in preRevolutionary
France to argue that parliamentary constitutionalism, opposition to the fiscal immunities of the
episcopacy, and advocacy for civil toleration of Protestants were pushed as forcefully by Jansenists as by philosophes,
and that Gallican Catholics numbered among the most vocal supporters of the early Revolution. On the Protestant side,
James Bradley contends that a key source for British radicalism--including calls for fundamental parliamentary reform
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and support for the American Revolution--sprung not from religious heterodoxy per se, as J. G. A. Pocock and J. C. D.
Clark have argued, but from a commitment to the right of private judgment and ecclesiastical self-government. For
Presbyterians, Congregationalists, and Baptists, these concepts were ultimately rooted in a fully orthodox Christology.
Orthodox dissent could take less radical, more melioristic shapes, especially as it became bound up with variants of
enlightened absolutism. In Spain, Austria, and Italy, as Charles Noel and W. R. Ward demonstrate, Jansenists allied
with regalists and enlighteners to implement political and educational reforms that were often anti-papal and antiJesuitical
in nature. And in the Russia depicted by Olga Tsapina, the anti-episcopal and anti-monastic "white clergy"
lent vigorous support to Catherine the Great's program of secularization.
In his chapter on the divergent political stances of Pietism in Prussia and Wurttemberg, James Van Horn Melton offers
a striking new version of the thesis concerning the connection between Pietism and the Aufklarung by shifting attention
to the Habermasian public sphere. Melton argues that by promoting a literate devotional culture, primary schooling for
children, and conventicles that embodied new modes of sociability for the laity--including women--while encouraging
critique and reform, Pietism became paradigmatic for the creation of a politically charged public sphere that Habermas
associated with purely secular developments in the period.
Religion and Politics in Enlightenment Europe exhibits a degree of internal cohesion uncommon for edited volumes. Its
provocative thesis, elaborated in detail and backed up with an impressive wealth of evidence, is bound to thrust the
book into the center of debate about religion and politics in eighteenth-century Europe.
Eric W. Carlsson
University of Wisconsin, Madison
Carlsson, Eric W.
Source Citation (MLA 8
th Edition)
Carlsson, Eric W. "Religion and Politics in Enlightenment Europe." Church History, vol. 71, no. 3, 2002, p. 662+.
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The Rise of the Public in Enlightenment Europe
Gary Marker
Journal of European Studies.
32.1 (Mar. 2002): p69.
COPYRIGHT 2002 Sage Publications, Inc.
http://jes.sagepub.com
Full Text:
The Rise of the Public in Enlightenment Europe. By James Van Horn Melton. (New Approaches to European History.)
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001. Pp. xiv + 284. [pound sterling]13.95 (pbk).
Intended as a work of synthesis suitable for classroom adoption, James Melton's useful new book traces the explosion
of public institutions in eighteenth-century England, France and the Germanies. Drawing extensively from the immense
scholarship initiated by the publication some forty years ago of Jurgen Habermas' The Structural Transformation of the
Public Sphere, Melton describes the now-familiar landmarks of public life -- print culture, salons, cafes, pubs and
masonic lodges, and he does so in clear and readable prose. He displays familiarity with even the most recent
contributions to the pro- and con-Habermas debates, and he is particularly well versed in the relevant feminist and
Foucauldian critiques that emphasize the repressive and exclusionary properties of the public. His discussions of
women as patrons of the theatre and salons are quite effective in this regard. In the end, however, Melton's sympathies
rest squarely, if not unconditionally, with Habermas, or his ideals. 'The legacy of the public sphere ... was neither
inexorably emancipatory nor inherently repressive, and if it was not irredeemably masculinist, neither was it
unqualifiedly feminist' (p. 15).
Melton gives particular attention to what he terms an 'information revolution' of the eighteenth century, by which he
means the combination of a dawning mass literacy, burgeoning popular print culture, the shift from intensive to
extensive reading (a reading revolution), and the emergence of the individual author. Taken together, they effectuated
an epochal change in the significance of the printed word, albeit one whose consequences varied from country to
country. This information revolution, he argues, engendered the institutions of the Enlightenment, the structural
foundations of the public sphere.
Still, his narrative remains nuanced and undeterministic throughout. He prudently insists on bringing religion into the
equation, especially for France where Jansenism and the debate over Unigentus lay at the heart of much political
discourse. He also steers clear of simple class analyses, pointing out, for example, that in much of Europe the
'bourgeois public spheres' were populated largely by nobles. He also offers a telling criticism to Darnton's famous
postulate of a French literary underground, by pointing out that many of the hack writers were actually quite
comfortable and well situated in literary society.
A further strength of this study is its pluralistic and comparative approach, integrating eighteenth-century Berlin and
Vienna into a literature that too often seems to define the margin of Europe as lying just west of the Rhine and north of
the Alps. Public spaces everywhere were associated with the call for freedom, but not necessarily with its achievement
or with an inexorable advent of a liberal polity. His heterogeneous public sphere is reminiscent of an earlier
generation's notion of modernization, seeking to explain the ubiquity of modernity on the one hand and the frequently
illiberal outcomes on the other. 'The institutions of the Enlightenment public sphere', he concludes, 'were from their
inception far more ambiguous than Habermas' liberal and rational model implies. They produced different kinds of
audiences and different sorts of political outcome' (p. 274).
It may be asking too much, but here and there at least passing reference to activities in the wider Europe would have
been instructive, if only to contrast them with what was taking place in Paris, London and Berlin. After all, the
Mediterranean world, eastern Europe and even the Russian Empire aspired to the very ideals of tolerance and initiated
at least a few of the institutions that are central to the contemporary valorization of public-ness. Their experiences
would only strengthen Melton's insistence on the pluralities of public life and indeterminacy of political outcomes.
As a political treatise, Melton's book constitutes a rousing and touchingly old-fashioned defence of formal
representative institutions. He finds evidence of unwavering popular support of British public institutions, especially
Parliament, in the eighteenth century, even when the franchise for that government was greatly diminished.
Parliamentary politics, he argues, generated public involvement and civic awareness, and it required MPs to maintain
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the support of their constituent boroughs. Interest in politics suffused the popular press, captivated the talk in pubs
(8,000 of them in London alone!), coffee houses and political clubs, and engendered a reservoir of popular loyalty to
the regime that was sorely lacking in non-parliamentary France. France, by contrast, was rife with paranoia and
rumour, and the absence of a political public, except the king, goes far, in his view, toward explaining the events of
1789 and beyond. French authors proclaimed the moral force of the literary public, and they bemoaned it s demise at
the hands of the market. But the absence of a true parliamentary outlet ultimately pushed public protest in a violent
direction.
This book, then, should be of equal interest to specialists, who can gain much from its synthetic discussions of
eighteenth-century sociability and the public, and to undergraduates, who will find the narrative readable and
sophisticated. The brief bibliographic essays at the end of each chapter offer very useful guides to further reading.
Marker, Gary
Source Citation (MLA 8
th Edition)
Marker, Gary. "The Rise of the Public in Enlightenment Europe." Journal of European Studies, vol. 32, no. 1, 2002, p.
69+. General OneFile, go.galegroup.com/ps/i.do?
p=ITOF&sw=w&u=schlager&v=2.1&id=GALE%7CA88129853&it=r&asid=b807d30213af481d228091e1bc2cc3cf.
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Paths of Continuity: Central European
Historiography from the 1930s to the 1950s
Michael Burleigh
The English Historical Review.
111.443 (Sept. 1996): p1029.
COPYRIGHT 1996 Oxford University Press
http://ehr.oxfordjournals.org/
Full Text:
The conference papers gathered by Hartmut Lehmann and James Van Horn Melton in Paths of Continuity. Central
European Historiography from the 1930s to the 1950s (Cambridge/Washington, D.C.: U.P./German Historical Institute,
1994; pp. x + 406. [pounds]40) deal with the careers and work of a number of more or less distinguished Germanlanguage
historians whose careers spanned the Weimar Republic, the Nazi period, and the first decade or so of the
Federal Republic. The book could therefore have been a collective group portrait of how one section of the professional
middle class conducted itself under a dictatorship. This opportunity was consciously eschewed. Instead, the editors and
contributors have opted to study the altogether lesser question of the extent to which the 'new' historical social science
of the 1960s was indebted, not to the 'progressive' - perforce subterranean - tradition represented by outsiders such as
Eckart Kehr or Hans Rosenberg, but rather to right-wing Volksgeschichte, with its Annaliste retreat from high politics
and diplomacy in favour of demography, kinship, popular culture, and supra-personal 'structures', i.e. all those things
which historians since the 1960s have implicitly lauded as being democratic, anti-elitist, and 'modern'. In other words,
most of the essays in the book refuse to take the progressivist genealogy constructed by the 'innovators' of the 1960s at
its own face value, preferring instead to stress continuities with developments before and during the Nazi period, which
after 1945 were cleaned up and freed of their authoritarian and racist overtones. Thus Werner Conze coined the term
Strukturgeschichte in 1957 'to express the holistic approach previously conveyed by Volksgeschichte. The concept of
'industrial society' represented his coming to terms with a world his earlier work had implicitly rejected. Likewise, Otto
Brunner rewrote compromising sentences in the 1939 edition of Land und Herrschaft such as 'folk history is the need of
the hour' to read (in 1959) 'structural history is the need of the hour'. This was on a par with the way in which
traditional German chauvinists like Hermann Aubin suddenly discovered an enthusiasm for 'Europe' and 'the West' after
1945. These minor academic issues are explored with great scholarship and skill by the various contributors. That they
fail to ask any genuinely interesting questions regarding the ways in which the study of the humanities ill-equips people
to resist anti-democratic politics or regarding the moral myopia which seems to accompany the professionalization of
learning is, as Charles Maier intimates in the concluding essay, probably an inevitable accompaniment of the
incestuous self-indulgence which seems to have characterized this particular scholarly endeavour.
MICHAEL BURLEIGH London School of Economics & Political Science
Source Citation (MLA 8
th Edition)
Burleigh, Michael. "Paths of Continuity: Central European Historiography from the 1930s to the 1950s." The English
Historical Review, vol. 111, no. 443, 1996, p. 1029+. General OneFile, go.galegroup.com/ps/i.do?
p=ITOF&sw=w&u=schlager&v=2.1&id=GALE%7CA18838374&it=r&asid=4ab66627968b8a3551cf4eaea7c15cdf.
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The European Nobilities in the Seventeenth and
Eighteenth Centuries, 2 vols
M.S. Anderson
The English Historical Review.
110.439 (Nov. 1995): p1217.
COPYRIGHT 1995 Oxford University Press
http://ehr.oxfordjournals.org/
Full Text:
Edited by H. M. SCOTT (London: Longman, 1995; pp. 286, 315. 39.99 [pounds sterling] each; pb. 14.99[pounds
sterling] each).
THE thirteen essays by different authors, together with useful introductions to each volume and a general conclusion in
Volume II, which make up this collection add up to an ambitious study of a large and very diverse subject. The
coverage is wide, both chronologically and geographically, and though little is said, as a matter of editorial policy,
about either the cultural significance of the nobility or its role in the churches, the discussion throughout is thorough,
up-to-date and analytical. Dr Scott is to be congratulated on having drawn from a distinguished team of contributors
essays which are in general remarkably consistent in the issues they raise and the problems they address.
The predominant impression is inevitably one of variety, of striking differences between the different European states.
The use in the title of the plural `nobilities', is abundantly justified by the various contributions. The mere number of
those claiming or entitled to noble status varied enormously in different parts of the Continent. At one extreme could be
found the English peerage, well described by Professor John Cannon. At the other stood Hungary where, as Dr Peter
Schimert tells us in one of the most interesting of these essays, by 1720 there were twelve hundred villages populated
entirely by very poor nobles, or Mazovia in the Polish-Lithuanian commonwealth where, as Dr R. I. Frost points out,
the situation was very similar. The variations in wealth and power within each national nobility were also extremely
sharp. Within the relatively small area of the Dutch Republic there was a striking contrast between the province of
Zeeland, where the nobility was completely stripped of any political role, and Utrecht, Overijssel and Gelderland,
where its power in this respect was much greater. (The peculiarities of the Dutch situation, in many ways a unique one,
are well brought out in the essay by Dr J. L. Price). The resentment with which a mass of poor nobles often viewed a
small group of immensely wealthy and influential magnates, in Hungary, Poland-Lithuania and even at times in
Sweden, figures prominently in several of these contributions; while the essay by Dr Roger Mettam on seventeenthcentury
France has an interesting discussion of the complex hierarchy which divided rather than united the French
nobility. Even in Brandenburg-Prussia, where relative poverty might have been expected to have some equalizing and
unifying effect, there was a marked distinction between a Junker elite and the large majority of their poorer fellows, as
Professor Edgar Melton shows. Again, the entail, easily thought of as an essential foundation of noble family wealth,
varied enormously in prevalence and importance in different parts of the Continent. Its central significance in England,
and in the Habsburg lands of Austria and Bohemia discussed by Professor James Van Horn Melton, contrasts sharply
with the situation in Russia and the successful resistance of the dvoryanstvo there to the effort of Peter the Great to
introduce something of the kind. Even in Brandenburg-Prussia it was Frederick II who encouraged entails in the face of
a marked lack of Junker enthusiasm, while in the Spanish kingdoms, as Dr I. A. A. Thompson points out, it was the
Crown which supported them in its own interests. (His discussion of the nobility in Spain is the longest of these
contributions and one of the most probing, though also the toughest going for the reader). In some states for a
nobleman to soil his hands with trade could mean loss of noble status: the importance of derogeance in France has
attracted a good deal of attention from historians. But elsewhere the situation could be quite different. It is
understandable that engaging in trade, as Professor Claudio Donati emphasizes, did not impugn the status of the
nobilities of Genoa, Florence, Siena and Lucca, among the most urbanized in Europe: yet even in Hungary such
activity was no bar, at least in law, to ranking as noble.
Some similarities can be seen. An obvious one is the dominant role almost everywhere of nobles in the administration
and day-to-day life of their own areas. Another is the distinction, and often tension, between the idea of a nobility as
based essentially on blood, lineage and descent and the increasingly important reality of one which was primarily a
group of state servants, one in which titles granted by a ruler or standing in some official hierarchy of ranks was the
main determinant of status. The growing importance in northern and eastern Europe of such service nobilities, based at
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least in some sense on activity and achievement rather than birth, is inevitably a major theme of many of the essays in
the second of these volumes. In Sweden under Charles XI, as Professor A. F. Upton points out, the nobility was
transformed into one primarily of state service. In Denmark a little earlier, as Knud Jespersen makes clear, the almost
revolutionary changes of 1660-1 had the same effect. In Russia the Table of Ranks of 1722 is the best- known of all
such service-linked hierarchies, though as Professor Isabel de Madariaga shows the idea of nobility based on lineage
had by no means disappeared there in the eighteenth century. Even in the west, however, merit, personal achievement
and wealth were by then doing much to dissolve inherited attitudes and traditional exclusivities. In France well before
1789, as Julian Swann makes clear, money had become a potent solvent of earlier divisions between robe and epee.
Nobilities of service were merely the most striking illustration of another theme which is rightly prominent here - the
interdependence of monarchs and nobles, the fact that no ruler could do without noble help and support. Bigger armies,
more complex and sophisticated administrations, meant greater career opportunities for nobles but also an inescapable
need for an active and loyal nobility. Russia or Brandenburg-Prussia were merely the most obvious examples of a
mutual dependence which could be seen in varying degrees almost everywhere in Europe. A major virtue of this
extremely useful collection is to make this essential fact clear. It will remain for the foreseeable future the best survey
of its subject in English.
Source Citation (MLA 8
th Edition)
Anderson, M.S. "The European Nobilities in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries, 2 vols." The English Historical
Review, vol. 110, no. 439, 1995, p. 1217+. General OneFile, go.galegroup.com/ps/i.do?
p=ITOF&sw=w&u=schlager&v=2.1&id=GALE%7CA17837769&it=r&asid=daad144d80c5890f36252ba4e7399ebd.
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Paths of Continuity: Central European
Historiography from the 1930s to the 1950s
Joachim Whaley
Journal of European Studies.
25.97 (Mar. 1995): p106.
COPYRIGHT 1995 Sage Publications, Inc.
http://jes.sagepub.com
Full Text:
Few historians would disagree that the year 1945 marked a radical break in German history. It might therefore come as
something of a surprise to find a volume of essays devoted to the theme of continuity in German historiography from
the 1930s to the 1950s. Twenty years ago this kind of title might have indicated an agenda of radical revisionism. It
would no doubt have headed a provocative indictment of the politically compromised characters of those who
dominated the historical profession in the years after 1945. Nothing could be further from the aims of this volume
which reflects the revisionist tendencies, in a conservative sense, of post-reunification Germany.
The essays elaborate two important themes in recent research into the writing of German history in this period. Both
are dealt with in James Van Horn Melton's wide-ranging introduction and by Winfried Schulze's survey of German
historiography from the 1930s to the 1950s.
The first theme concerns the relationship between the political views of historians and the National Socialist regime.
Very few leading scholars were dismissed from their positions for political reasons. The profession as a whole was
characterized by deep conservatism and by a strong nationalism. In the 1920s the historical establishment had remained
committed to what has been called 'die Ideologie des deutschen Weges'. It had also resolutely excluded socialists and
marxists from its ranks. After 1933 the same ideological solidarity rendered the profession relatively impervious to
National Socialist ideology. Many joined the party out of opportunism. Most made what are now referred to as 'verbale
Zugestandnisse an den Geist der Zeit'. However, relatively few leading historians became genuine converts to the new
regime. Hence after 1945 it was not surprising that most professors of history were able to continue their careers or at
least to resume them after a short interruption. Continuity within the profession was further reinforced by the younger
generation of scholars who started their careers after 1945: they had received their training during the National
Socialist period.
The second theme concerns the methodological advances made within the profession. The radical revisionists of the
1960s and 1970s emphasized the conservatism of an essentially neo-Rankean tradition of historical writing. Recent
research has pointed out the existence of a German tradition of social and economic history, albeit one which often had
to struggle to survive in a profession largely dedicated to the study of ideas and politics. More surprising is the view
that Germany produced a kind of parallel to the Annales school in the Volksgeschichte that preoccupied so many
nationalist historians in the inter-war period. Of course Volksgeschichte, which flourished in the 1920s and was
enthusiastically promoted by the regime after 1933, was racist, anti-semitic and deeply conservative. It developed in
tandem with the political interest in the German communities in the East and readily served as a scholarly foundation
for pan-German expansionism. On the other hand, like the Annales school, the proponents of Volksgeschichte offered a
histoire totale that was not fixated on the state. In 'denazified' form it reappeared as the Strukturgescttichte advocated
by Werner Conze in 1957. What survived was the innovative method, the links with Lamprecht and earlier German
Landesgeschichte going back to the eighteenth century. What had gone was the racism, pan-Germanism, the antimodernism
of pre-1945 Volksgeschichte.
In varying combinations and with different emphases these themes are illustrated in ten biographical case-studies of
leading historians. Friedrich Meinecke (by Jonathan Knudsen) and Gerhard Ritter (by Klaus Schwabe) exemplify the
neo-Rankean tradition. Both were deeply conservative in their politics and deeply traditional in their history. Both
remained essentially men of the Kaiserreich: they felt out of tune with the Weimar Republic, uneasy in the Third Reich
and uncomfortable in the post-1945 years. Similar to them, except that he was forced to emigrate on account of his
Jewish ancestry, was Hans Rothfels (by Klemens von Klemperer) who remained loyal to his Rankean principles and to
his hero Bismarck through exile and after his return to the Federal Republic in 1951. Franz Schnabel (by Lothar Gall)
and Heinrich von Srbik (by Fritz Fellner) represent two extremes. Schnabel, a south-west German liberal Catholic, paid
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for his liberal convictions and his commitment to democracy and the Weimar Republic with dismissal and persecution
in the 1930s. Srbik's Austrian pan-Germanism and Christian conservatism led just as logically to enthusiastic party
membership. Hans Rothfels spoke of Srbik's inability to 'leap from a moving train', though few will sympathize with
Fellner's attempt to evoke pity for him when he was thrown off it in 1945 and prevented by a rare act of decisive
academic denazification from ever resuming his career.
The other scholars dealt with represent those whose work was influential in methodological terms after 1945, the
innovators who laid the foundations for subsequent progress in economic and social history: Hans Freyer (by Jerry
Muller), Hermann Aubin (by Marc Raeff), Otto Brunner (James Van Horn Melton), Werner Conze (by Irmline VeitBrause)
and Theodor Schieder (by Jorn Rusen). In each case the biography reveals a different relationship with the
National Socialist regime. Yet even the most politically dubious past was no obstacle to a significant contribution after
the war. The Austrian historian Otto Brunner, for example, greeted the Anschluss enthusiastically, was dismissed from
the University of Vienna in 1945, but then resumed his career in Hamburg in 1951. His published work went through a
similarly remarkable metamorphosis: his classic work Land und Herrschaft (1939) was originally conceived as a
radical conservative critique of liberal bourgeois historiography; post-1945 editions were purged of any hint of
National Socialist ideology and it came to be acclaimed as one of the most original works of history published in the
twentieth century.
In a combative commentary which concludes the volume Charles Maier suggests that there is more important history to
be written than the collective biography of the historian. On the other hand this volume deserves to be read by anyone
interested in modern Germany and in the historiography of the twentieth century. It raises important questions about the
relationship between history and ideology. The answers suggested give historians no cause for complacency.
JOACHIM WHALEY
Source Citation (MLA 8
th Edition)
Whaley, Joachim. "Paths of Continuity: Central European Historiography from the 1930s to the 1950s." Journal of
European Studies, vol. 25, no. 97, 1995, p. 106+. General OneFile, go.galegroup.com/ps/i.do?
p=ITOF&sw=w&u=schlager&v=2.1&id=GALE%7CA16946663&it=r&asid=ab9ccb9981cf27bb5e3eef442d67a1fd.
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'Land' and Lordship: Structures of Governance in
Medieval Austria
Medium Aevum.
62.1 (Spring 1993): p183.
COPYRIGHT 1993 Society for the Study of Mediaeval Languages and Literature
http://mediumaevum.modhist.ox.ac.uk/
Full Text:
Otto Brunner, trans. and introd. by Howard Kaminsky and James Van Horn Melton. (Philadelphia: University of
Pennsylvania Press, 1992). lxiv + 425 pp. ISBN 0-8122-8183-7. $35.00. This translation of the final revision of Land
und Herrschaft (1959) is precedcd by a 49-page introduction in which the translators discuss Brunner's career and the
original context of the work in the Nazi politics preceding the Second World War: |he postulated a homology of the
Third Reich and the late-medieval Land, as two manifestations of Germanic principles of political and legal order',
overturning traditional constitutional historiography along the way. In the 1959 revision, Brunner removed the more
overt references to ideas of Germanic continuity; rather curiously, the book has been regarded as a major work of
Germanic historiography in both its forms, a paradox analysed in the course of the introduction. Further reprints and an
Itahan translation attest its continuing high status, though, as Kaminsky and Melton |modestly note', their edition is
unique in providing both an index and a bibliography.
Source Citation (MLA 8
th Edition)
"'Land' and Lordship: Structures of Governance in Medieval Austria." Medium Aevum, vol. 62, no. 1, 1993, p. 183.
General OneFile, go.galegroup.com/ps/i.do?
p=ITOF&sw=w&u=schlager&v=2.1&id=GALE%7CA13280309&it=r&asid=8cce0557fa62c80a383cec53c6980613.
Accessed 4 July 2017.
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Religion, Community, and Slavery on the Colonial Southern Frontier. By James Van Horn Melton. New York: Cambridge, 2015. Reviewed by Russell Kleckley
This carefully researched book is both more focused and more expansive than the title suggests. The “colonial southern frontier” is Georgia. “Community” specifically means Ebenezer, the settlement founded in 1734 by Lutheran religious exiles, a minute portion of the larger masses expelled from the Catholic territory of Salzburg beginning in 1731. “Religion” refers most directly to Franckean Lutheran Pietism embodied in Johann Martin Boltzius, the pastor appointed from Halle to lead the emigrés from Europe to America and in Ebenezer. But the scope of this work by James Van Horn Melton, Professor of History at Emory University, extends beyond the geographic and thematic boundaries of the title. It encompasses the entire story of Ebenezer, reaching back into Salzburg’s Alps where the story begins to post-Revolutionary America and the inevitable denouement of Ebenezer. By the end, the reader may wonder if the point has been to illuminate the history of slavery in colonial America through the story of Ebenezer, or to illuminate the story of Ebenezer through the history of slavery. Either is a welcome outcome of this lucidly written and insightful study.
The Salzburger story in Europe dominates the first half. Melton’s discussion of a “clandestine print culture” (25ff.), along with the traits of alpine miners, helps explain the existence of a surreptitious but vibrant religious life among Salzburg Lutherans despite the absence of pastoral leadership and the presence of Catholic repression and scrutiny. While these issues may seem somewhat removed from the themes of the book’s title, critical points from them emerge later in the story, for example in accounting for the compatibility between the Salzburger’s religious sensibilities and Boltzius’ own pietistic outlook, or the leadership provided by Salzburg miners in Ebenezer. Moreover, this background puts in relief the community’s later interpretation of their own experience of persecution, expulsion, and re-settlement through the lens of the biblical Exodus and post-Exodus accounts (to which Melton refers as “postexilic”).
The story shifts in the second part to the founding of Ebenezer, its growth and expansion through later arrivals of Salzburgers and other South German immigrants, Boltzius’ attempt to create a “pietist utopia,” and the subsequent fate of the community through the American Revolution and beyond. With the issue of slavery as the guiding thread, Melton compellingly argues that the initial opposition of Boltzius and Ebenezer to slavery was not specifically built on religious or moral grounds but based on practical reasons that mirrored those of the founding trustees who had banned slavery from Georgia. Since Georgia served as a strategic buffer between Spanish Florida to the south and slave-holding South Carolina to the north, the trustees hoped, by keeping Georgia slave free, to minimize the threat to British security from the potential for Spanish-inspired slave rebellions. Boltzius, Melton argues, became aware of the danger immediately upon arriving in Charleston, and continued with the rest of Ebenezer to exhibit “an antagonism not so much to slavery as they did antipathy toward slaves” (212, emphasis in original). Compounding this fear of rebellion and violence was the concern that the introduction of slave labor would threaten the economic survival of Ebenezer’s low-wage labor force.
This stance prevailed until the introduction of slavery into Georgia in 1751, when Boltzius, already battered from his public opposition to slavery, relented and allowed the practice into Ebenezer. Though initially optimistic that slavery might lead to slave conversions, Boltzius later regretted his change of position. But by then the practice already had been established in Ebenezer, though at a far lower level than practiced elsewhere in Georgia, due in part, Melton proposes, to the wide-ranging handcraft and agricultural skills brought from Germany and Salzburg that made Ebenezer more self-reliant (255f.).
Melton’s work is impressive, and his use of previously underused archival sources brings important new insights. His conclusions occasionally approach the speculative, e.g. that fears of Spanish-Catholic inspired slave rebellion as a tool of conquest were “tinged with psychological residues” (214) of the Salzburger experience with Catholic persecution. But such points are never pushed too far, they arise from the narrative Melton has developed, and raise issues for further consideration. In sum, Melton skillfully sets the experience of Ebenezer within the larger context of the political and social environment of Georgia, showing the non-religious as well as religious factors that shaped the community and its stance toward slavery. His book informs and illuminates several directions at once, the issue of slavery in colonial America, the story of the Salzburger refugees and Ebenezer, and the role of religion.
Russell Kleckley
Augsburg College
Minneapolis, Minnesota
Now we have a well-written and conceptually clear account of the new public that arose in the major states of eighteenth-century Europe. Melton's public sphere encompasses England, France, Germany, and Austria. It relies on the work of many scholars, this reviewer included. Melton eschews the notion that England embraced a social and political backwardness similar to that found on the Continent. The book devotes considerable attention to freedom of the press, literacy, authorship, coffee-house reading, salons, drinking establishments, the rise of the lending library and the theater, and freemasonry, there and abroad. This catholicity of reading amid the secondary sources should be a model for all who seek to write in general terms about the new and vibrant cultural and intellectual life found from Dublin to Vienna. The only regret is the almost total disregard for the Dutch Republic; its pre-1720 world of radical journalists and daring publishing rivals what could be found in England at the time. The pathbreaking work of Wijnhardt and Kloek on literacy and book buying would have pleased Melton had the Dutch in which it is written been open to him.1 But no one can read every European language and gratitude for what Melton has accomplished is due.
Melton recognizes that British electoral politics was at the heart of the new public. Its scrutiny worked on a national level and, as he puts it, "gave Hanoverian politics a measure of public exposure and transparency that simply did not exist in the absolutist states" (25). Not even in the Dutch Republic were nationally contested elections held to rapturous interest at the same time throughout the country. The spin-off came in the form of journals, published parliamentary debates, and the rise of societies with their own constitutions—that is, rules of procedure and bidding agreements publicly acknowledged. In Britain, even the supposedly secret, but constitutionally bound freemasons met openly at funerals [End Page 611] and public processions. London and provincial newspapers expanded decade by decade in number and readership. Oppositional politics became the norm. In France, by contrast, only Jansenism provided the force of an opposition, at least until the 1750s when that energy passed to the philosophes. French political parties were a post-1789 phenomenon.
Summarizing the book's take on Britain should not imply that it is an Anglo-centered affair. With the exception of using English jargon, like "a stone of beef" (104), Melton has tried to provide a genuinely European perspective; he is as comfortable in Vienna as he is in London. At times, he seems uncritical in accepting the interpretations of others—for one, Goodman's characterization of the French salonnieres as selfless promoters of truth, a hagiographic approach now contested in some quarters.2 Yet he is perceptive about the wariness that women of the middling classes had about their names appearing in print, despite the explosion of female novelists writing in almost every European language. The book is judicious in its treatment of women without for a second falling into the trap of attacking the Enlightenment as a "masculine" phenomenon or the French Revolution as a defeat for women. He is also careful to note the remarkable entry of male and female Jews into integrated settings within the major cities by 1780.
Good books on general aspects of the European Enlightenment, or just on eighteenth-century European cultural forms, are still rare. Melton's book on the public sphere can be recommended for undergraduate teaching, or just as a good place to get graduate students started in the field.
Margaret C. Jacob
University of California, Los Angeles