CANR
WORK TITLE: SECONDHAND
WORK NOTES:
PSEUDONYM(S):
BIRTHDATE:
WEBSITE: http://shanghaiscrap.com/
CITY: Shanghai
STATE:
COUNTRY: China
NATIONALITY: American
LAST VOLUME: CA 357
http://www.startribune.com/entertainment/books/231055961.html http://www.npr.org/2013/11/13/244984351/christmas-lights-make-slippers-in-global-junkyard-economy
RESEARCHER NOTES:
PERSONAL
Born 1970, in Minneapolis, MN; married.
ADDRESS
CAREER
Journalist; Bloomberg World View, Shanghai correspondent. Public speaker.
AWARDS:Stephen Barr Award, 2004.
WRITINGS
Also author of a blog. Contributor to periodicals, including The Atlantic, Slate, Wall Street Journal, Los Angeles Times, National Geographic, Foreign Policy, National Interest, Mother Jones, Scientific American, ARTnews, and Sierra.
SIDELIGHTS
“Practicality and profits nearly always trump good intentions, condescending or not, in the global scrap business,” writes Adam Minter in his first book, Junkyard Planet: Travels in the Billion-Dollar Trash Trade. Minter, who grew up in Minneapolis where his family ran a small scrap business, has covered the scrap industry since 2002 for publications such as Slate, Mother Jones, and the Wall Street Journal. A Shanghai correspondent for Bloomberg World View, he has visited more than a hundred Chinese factories and is an expert on the recycling business in China.
The global recycling industry generates approximately 500 billion dollars a year, writes Minter, and employs millions of workers. For countries such as China, recycling is key to economic growth. Fifty percent of the copper needed for manufacturing electronics in China, for example, is taken from recycled material, seventy percent of which is imported with roughly half coming from the United States. While the process of separating usable copper out of this scrap is tedious and labor-intensive, it provides workers with better pay than they would earn as migrant farmworkers, says Minter. Recycling consumes energy and contributes to pollution, sometimes to devastating effect, as seen in rates of lead poisoning exceeding eighty percent among children living in Guiyu, where most of China’s electronic waste is processed. But recycling also saves waste materials from incineration and cuts some demand for products made from virgin materials. “The worst, dirtiest recycling,” writes Minter, “is still better than the very best clear-cut forest or the most up-to-date open-pit mine.”
Recycling rates are lower in developed countries such as the United States, where environmental considerations often drive recycling efforts. Indeed, Minter explains that there is relatively little economic incentive for wealthy countries to focus on recycling. In the United States, for example, recycling companies prefer to recycle only cable and wire that has high levels of copper. Companies will not take materials such as Christmas tree lights, which contain only about twenty-eight percent copper, because the costs of extracting the copper outweigh the benefits of doing so. But because copper is in such huge demand there, China happily accepts these lights and extracts their copper. China and other developing countries also have a significant employment incentive in accepting recyclable materials from wealthier countries. As the author explains, the task of separating usable stuff from junk often needs to be done by hand, requiring large numbers of workers willing to pick through chunks of shredded steel to find what can be recycled. At the same time, China’s thriving recycling business has created a niche for entrepreneurs who buy directly from local scrap dealers.
Though Minter applauds individual household recycling efforts, which he says increase overall recycling, he also points out that these programs also increase total consumption. Knowing that they can recycle cardboard, packaging, and other materials, people tend to buy more. Minter argues that many products could be manufactured in a more sustainable way, making them easier to reuse or recycle. The author urges readers to make informed choices about purchases so as to avoid unnecessary waste. As Minter explained in an interview with China Dialogue Web site contributor Nick Holdstock: “I’m not anti-consumption, but I do want people to consume more smartly and for product designers to design more smartly. If you understand how much goes into recycling, it’s not a get-out-of-jail-free card—every recycling process has a loss.” Materials can be recycled a limited number of times, says Minter. And each time, there is “leakage. … When steel goes into a furnace you will lose some of that steel. The idea that you’ve done some great deed, that you’ve put that ore back into the ground, or replaced that tree—you haven’t you’ve just slowed down the draw on the earth’s finite resources.”
Though the American approach to recycling may be idealistic, Minter prefers the pragmatic economic approach he sees in China. Even people who can afford luxury goods in China still care about making a few yuan by selling cardboard packaging to junk dealers, the author told Holdstock. “I hope that doesn’t go away. I’d rather they approach recycling from that standpoint rather than the environmental because you get more recycled.” As Erica Grieder observed in a Wall Street Journal review of Junkyard Planet, Minter shows that “actions matter more than intentions, and little things add up.”
Minter published Secondhand: Travels in the New Global Garage Sale in 2019. The account considers what happens to used household goods and clothing that enter into the global market of secondhand goods. Minter includes numerous case studies, ranging from home cleanout businesses in Japan an Minnesota, a Canadian used clothing exporter, a Nigerian sorting warehouse, swap meets in Mexico, and a Goodwill store in Arizona. While the market generates billions of dollars in retails sales, it is also not without its political controversies.
In an interview in Discard Studies, Minter talked about his motivation for writing a book on the topic of the secondhand goods global market. He admitted that “as a journalist, I’m interested in stories that question conventional narratives, especially if those narratives are used to advance moral judgements. Early in my career I sought out profiles of politicians with whom I disagreed and–once I moved to China–Catholic churches licensed by the Catholic Patriotic Association (for the record: I’m Jewish). In most cases, I found nuance and complexity.” Minter continued: “Discards, and particularly the globalization of discards, is a similar kind of story. When I moved to China in 2002, the moral consensus on the globalized trade had already hardened into something like the dumping narrative. My instinct was that nothing is so simple, that there had to be something more to the story.”
A contributor to Kirkus Reviews observed that Minter’s “respect for the people working in the business is clear, but the character-driven approach tends to lengthen the report and blur its clarity.” The same reviewer noted that the “black-and-white photographs, unfortunately, are generally small, murky, and unhelpful.” A Publishers Weekly contributor found the descriptions of the secondhand goods global market to be “surprisingly jaunty.” The same reviewer remarked that “this is a fascinating, eye-opening look at a dynamic, largely unseen world.”
BIOCRIT
BOOKS
Minter, Adam, Junkyard Planet: Travels in the Billion-Dollar Trash Trade, Bloomsbury Press (New York, NY), 2013.
PERIODICALS
Booklist, October 15, 2013, Carol Haggas, review of Junkyard Planet, p. 4.
Kirkus Reviews, October 15, 2013, review of Junkyard Planet; September 15, 2019, review of Secondhand.
Minneapolis Star Tribune, November 9, 2013, Stephen Lyons, review of Junkyard Planet.
Mother Jones, November 1, 2013, Kiera Butler, review of Junkyard Planet, p. 61.
OnEarth, December 22, 2013, Elizabeth Royte, review of Junkyard Planet, p. 56.
Publishers Weekly, September 9, 2013, review of Junkyard Planet, p. 50; July 15, 2019, review of Secondhand: Travels in the New Global Garage Sale , p. 63.
Wall Street Journal, December 20, 2013, Erica Grieder, review of Junkyard Planet.
ONLINE
Adam Minter, http://shanghaiscrap.com (October 21, 2019).
Bloomberg, https://www.bloomberg.com/ (October 21, 2019), author profile.
China Dialogue, http://www.chinadialogue.net/ (March 18, 2014), Nick Holdstock, author interview.
Discard Studies, https://discardstudies.com/ (May 6, 2019), author interview.
Fresh Air, http://www.npr.org/ (November 13, 2013), Terry Gross, author interview.
Los Angeles Review of Books Online, http://lareviewofbooks.org/ (March 18, 2014), author profile.
Time Out Shanghai, http://www.timeoutshanghai.com/ (November 4, 2013), author interview.
Adam Minter is a columnist at Bloomberg Opinion where he writes about China, technology, and the environment. He is the author of Junkyard Planet: Travels in the Billion-Dollar Trash Trade, a critically-acclaimed bestselling insider’s account of the hidden world of globalized recycling, and the forthcoming Secondhand: Travels in the New Global Garage Sale.
Adam has covered the global recycling industry for almost two decades. In 2002, he began a series of groundbreaking investigative pieces on China’s emerging recycling industries for Scrap and Recycling International. Since then, he has been cited, quoted, and interviewed on recycling and waste by a range of international media, most recently The New York Times, Vice, NPR, BBC, The Huffington Post, and CBC. He regularly speaks to groups about the global waste and recycling trade including colleges, universities, trade groups, TEDx, and an invited lecture to the Royal Geographic Society in London.
He is represented by Wendy Sherman at Wendy Sherman Associates.
Adam Minter is a Bloomberg Opinion columnist. He is the author of “Junkyard Planet: Travels in the Billion-Dollar Trash Trade” and the forthcoming "Secondhand: Travels in the New Global Garage Sale."
@AdamMinter
Adam Minter was born in Minneapolis, Minnesota, to a family of scrap dealers. His quiet Midwestern life changed in 2002, when he began a series of groundbreaking investigative pieces on China's emerging recycling industries for Scrap Magazine and, later, Recycling International that were recognized, in 2004, with the first Stephen Barr Award for individual excellence in business feature writing. Since then, he has been cited, quoted, and interviewed on recycling and waste by a range of international media, including The Wall Street Journal, The Financial Times, The Guardian, and National Public Radio. He regularly speaks to groups about the global waste and recycling trade including, in 2008, an invited address at the Royal Geographic Society, London.
Adam is currently the Shanghai correspondent for Bloomberg World View. He and his wife divide their time between Shanghai, Kuala Lumpur, and the western suburbs of Minneapolis.
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Adam Minter: In the flow of things
05/06/2019guestauth0r
Secondhand Bookstore, Kannur, Kerala. Image by Vinayaraj. CC BY-SA 3.0
Adam Minter is a writer for Bloomberg View and a wide range of other publications. He is also author of Junkyard Planet: Travels in the Billion-Dollar Trash Trade. His forthcoming book, Secondhand, is due out later this year and covers the global trade in secondhand commodities. Here is Adam’s interview with Discard Studies:
DS: What are the main myths you have to de-mythologize every time you address discards?
AM: There’s really only one: the persistent idea that developed countries “dump” their recyclable and re-usable discards on developing countries.
It’s a difficult myth to address for three key reasons.
First, it builds upon decades of reporting and research on the ways that developed country companies and governments externalize pollution. In newsrooms, and with news consumers, that body of knowledge creates a near automatic presumption of “externalization” when presenting narratives about the transnational trade in discards – even if there might be another, more accurate interpretation. Journalists are sensitive to that presumption.
Second, it’s a narrative that’s seductively easy to repeat (or, less charitably, copy). All you need is a map with a red line showing the route a device took from a rich place to a poor one. Recently, a common narrative device in many stories about e-waste dumping is the GPS tracker hidden in a shipping container or device that pings the journey from rich world to developing world. Many if not most non-specialists will naturally assume that the purpose of the journey is to save on the costs of “proper” recycling in the rich country. Throw in visuals of discards on fire, or in other states of disassembly that are unsafe, and the story more or less, writes and edits itself.
Third, and perhaps most important, mainstream media tends to view discards solely through an environmental lens. That’s understandable but insufficient if the goal is to understand why discards are traded and move around the globe.
For that, you need a commercial lens. Let me use an example that’s currently in the news: the shift of plastic scrap imports from China, which has effectively banned much of the trade, to Malaysia. In the wake of that shift, there have been dozens of reports – everyone from the BBC to Malaysian local media – on the “dumping” of foreign [plastic] waste in Malaysia.
Now here’s the problem with the “dumping” narrative. At the moment, the cost of sending a forty-foot shipping container of discarded plastics from the Port of Los Angeles to Port Klang, Malaysia (where many of California’s plastic exports are heading since China’s restrictions on imports), is roughly $1,200. Meanwhile, the cost of “tipping” a ton of solid waste into a L.A.-area landfill is around $52 per ton. That’s a problematic pair of numbers if you’re committed to explaining waste exports as externalization. After all, if it’s cheaper to “dump” in Los Angeles, than to “dump” in Malaysia – why are plastic recyclers in Los Angeles “dumping” in Port Klang?
The answer should be obvious: the plastics aren’t being dumped, they’re being purchased by someone in Malaysia (who, like an Amazon customer, also pays the freight). And the reason they’re willing to put up that money is because the plastic has value as a raw material for manufacturing or re-use. Invoices, shipping manifests, and customs assessments are the obtainable documentary evidence for these transactions (likewise, shipping and tipping rates are easily google-able).
Recovered plastics being readied for shipping. Image by Max Liboiron.
This isn’t a state of economic affairs unique to Malaysia. In the two decades I’ve covered the transglobal trade in discards, I’ve yet to see a shipping container of discards “dumped” on a developing country. In every case, the material in the containers was purchased and imported for more than what it would cost to “dump” at home. Of course, the discards weren’t always processed or used in a way that conforms to health, safety, and environmental standards found in many developed countries. But it’s difficult to argue that somebody is dumping something on a poor country when a person in the poor country is paying for the stuff.
One last thing. Consciously or unconsciously, when reporters, academics, and news consumers use the term “dumping” they implicitly deny agency to the highly sophisticated trading and processing businesses that operate across the developing world. If there is one underlying theme in my work on discards over the years it is this: the millions of people who work on discards in the developing world have agency. Continued use of the term “dumping” denies it to them.
DS: Your previous book, Junkyard Planet, was about the global industrial trade in scrap (or recyclables) and your upcoming book is about globalized trails of secondhand commodities – everything from clothes to collectables. What draws you to topics like these? What about their lives as discarded things (or commodities) makes them good for telling stories for understanding global trade that other things (or commodities) might be less good at?
AM: As a journalist, I’m interested in stories that question conventional narratives, especially if those narratives are used to advance moral judgements. Early in my career I sought out profiles of politicians with whom I disagreed and – once I moved to China – Catholic churches licensed by the Catholic Patriotic Association (for the record: I’m Jewish). In most cases, I found nuance and complexity.
Discards, and particularly the globalization of discards, is a similar kind of story. When I moved to China in 2002, the moral consensus on the globalized trade had already hardened into something like the dumping narrative. My instinct was that nothing is so simple, that there had to be something more to the story.
Full disclosure: that instinct is an inherited trait. For years my father owned a Minneapolis scrap yard where I worked as a child and teenager, often doing manual labor (like hand-sorting plumbing scrap). Even though I chose not to go into the business, I continue to feel a strong kinship with the smalltime traders, peddlers, and entrepreneurs who work in it, especially in developing countries. I also feel a responsibility to share a more “dimensional” view of their lives than what they get from narratives depicting them as exploited or dumped upon.
Nonetheless, I spent twelve years covering China’s recycling industry, but it was only in the wake of the 2008 global financial crisis that I came to appreciate that I was following a story bigger than scrap. What happened then was shocking: as global consumer demand crashed, Chinese factories stopped buying recyclables (and other raw materials), forcing some cities in developed countries to landfill their scrap paper. During this period, I agreed to appear on an Irish radio show to help explain why local recyclers were sending scrap cardboard to the dump. To my surprise, I was the unlucky recipient of 30 minutes of abuse from people calling into the show to complain about how important their recyclables were to them, and how unhappy they were that their local governments (and, by extension, China), didn’t share their views!
From that point, I slowly began to understand that people in consumption-based societies assemble their identities via stuff, and become very emotional when those identities – and that stuff- is discarded in ways that don’t match their values. Over the years I’ve come to the conclusion that consumers actually care more about how their stuff is discarded, than how it is manufactured.
In any case, Junkyard Planet addressed industrial recycling, primarily; the new book, Secondhand, deals with the journey of personal property, and I’m hopeful that it will spur readers to think more seriously about the relationship between consumption and the sustainability of globalization. I can’t think of a better way to address the subject.
DS: People seem to be very emotionally attached to how their discards are handled compared to how their stuff is manufactured. This is especially interesting given how much work there is done by activists, academics, and journalists on labour conditions in manufacturing—everything from Marx to Upton Sinclair to much more contemporary campaigns like iSlave or Fashion Revolution. What do you think accounts for the differences in emotional reactions to discarding compared to manufacturing?
AM: I think it’s the rare consumer in 2019 who isn’t at least tangentially aware of the social and environmental consequences of manufacturing. And it’s even rarer to find a consumer who’s capable of avoiding the moral (and financial) compromises necessary to live up to the values that academics, activists and journalists often ask consumers to embrace (or, minimally, reflect upon). For example, if you want to decarbonize transport by purchasing an electric car, you implicitly accept the often troubling ways that cobalt is mined for electric car batteries. Lots of people – probably most people – make that sort of compromise on a daily basis, whether it’s at the supermarket buying vegetables, or at the GAP buying an affordable sweater. As a result, I think there’s a limit to how much outrage an activist can generate over how stuff is manufactured. Everyone is already compromised, and you can only push people so far in terms of guilt before they shut down.
Discards occupy an entirely different emotional ecosystem, especially in developed countries where objects are donated and dropped-off, rather than sold. When a consumer donates something, or drops it into a blue bin, they typically have a reasonable expectation that the objects will be re-used or repurposed in a way conforming to their values – and they have some agency in the decision (there are many charities). When you combine that expectation with the powerful identity associations attached to personal property, the outcomes can be explosive — especially when donated and dropped-off objects are handled in ways that don’t meet the donor’s expectations.
I didn’t really appreciate that emotional landscape until I started spending time with people and companies in the US who help senior citizens “downsize” their property before a move to smaller quarters, typically a senior living facility. And what I saw during downsizing cleanouts is a lot of resistance to discarding by the very people who paid (handsomely, in most cases) to have someone come and help them discard. Before the owners would let go, they needed reassurance that the stuff will be valued and reused in ways that conform to their values.
An example of how this works is given in the following short, modified passage from Secondhand. In it, I interview a well-paid property sorter in Minnesota. For background: her client base tends to be relatively affluent Americans in their 70s and older:
“There’s a grieving process,” she says. “When you got that wedding china, you were going to keep it forever. I have clients break down.”
The process is made even more difficult by changing tastes. The fine china and antiques appreciated by Americans born in the middle of the twentieth century aren’t in much demand from the younger generations. “People just don’t want it. But seniors want people to want it,” she says. “‘Oh, my kids will take it.’ No, they won’t.”
In the course of sorting someone’s stuff, her best tactic is to persuade the clients that stuff won’t be wasted. “Men won’t get rid of tools. Women, Tupperware. So we tell them the Tupperware can be recycled. The tools can be used by someone else.” Then it’s left to the senior move manager to figure out what to do with what’s left behind, and quickly.
It’s a fairly simple lesson: don’t arrive at someone’s house with the intention of tossing stuff into the garbage. But how that lesson plays out in the course of a home cleanout tells me a great deal about how a certain demographic at least – affluent, elderly Americans – view their discards.
DS: Not to give away any spoilers from your upcoming book, but is there a particular piece of stuff (or maybe a category of stuff) where identity, emotion, and discarding seem to get especially charged? Do you see variations from place to place in those patterns linking stuff, identity, and emotion?
AM: Let me start by answering the second question, first. The early chapters of Secondhand are largely focused on the generation of discards, especially via home cleanout businesses. Some are in the United States, and some are in Japan, where there’s thriving industry devoted to cleaning out homes left behind by the country’s growing numbers of elderly with no heirs.
I purposely contrast the cleanout industries in the two countries, and highlight some of the difference. I think the most important is that – barring a few exceptions, especially at the high end of the market – consumers in North America and Europe are committed to a donation model for discarding clothing and durable goods, and consumers in Japan – as in most parts of the world – tend to sell them. My sense is that consumers become less exercised over the moral dimensions of what ultimately happens to discards when they dispose of them via commercial transactions. After all, nobody pays for something in order to trash it. They pay to get some value – re-usable, extractable, whatever – from it. For the seller, that allows for a clean(er) break.
And I think that’s a key reason why we don’t see much activism against the export of discards from Japan and other developed (and developing) Asian nations: the commercial transactions resolve many of the moral quandries and questions that individual consumers might have with disposaing of their discards. Of course, there are other reasons, too. For example, even the most developed countries in Asia are home to living memories of poverty and development and reliance upon secondhand goods imported from wealthier regions. So, naturally, they’ll be more accepting of the trade.
Regarding your first question – I don’t think anyone will be surprised to learn that fashion and apparel discards are highly charged. Who doesn’t have a favorite shirt, sweater, or other garment associated with life events? And who doesn’t want to see that garment re-used and loved? Combine that emotion with the standard narrative of “dumping” and the outcome is predictably emotional.
I think that narrative is going to change in the next decade, thanks to two factors. First, the global market for new apparel is growing fast, especially in developing Asia. As a result, there’s a growing glut of secondhand clothes, globally, and diminishing number of consumers who will want them. Second, the technology of textile recycling is developing quickly. I don’t want to be a technology prognosticator, but I think in the next decade or so we’ll see chemical recycling of textiles. In effect, our old garments can be dumped in a vat, dissolved, and transformed into new threads. This is pure speculation on my part, but I think many consumers will recoil at seeing their garments re-used in such a way. I don’t dive into this question in Secondhand, but I do think it’ll be fascinating to see how these twin phenomena play out.
Adam Minter is a writer for Bloomberg View and a wide range of other publications. He is also author of Junkyard Planet: Travels in the Billion-Dollar Trash Trade. His forthcoming book, Secondhand, is due out later this year and covers the global trade in secondhand commodities.
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Minter, Adam SECONDHAND Bloomsbury (Adult Nonfiction) $28.00 11, 12 ISBN: 978-1-63557-010-6
In a follow-up to Junkyard Planet (2013), Malaysia-based Bloomberg Opinion columnist Minter looks at what happens to our discarded stuff, the used household goods and clothing donated to thrift stores or sold at garage sales.
While conducting his research, the author traveled widely in North America, Asia, and Africa to interview people involved in every aspect of the secondhand business. Because statistics on the business are scanty, Minter tells much of his story through the people he met at the many stops in his global journey. These include home cleanout businesses in Minnesota and in Japan, a swap meet in Mexico, a used clothing exporter in Canada, a sorting warehouse in Nigeria, and a Goodwill store in Arizona (in 2016, Goodwill International "generated $4.16 billion in retail sales, making it the king of an American thrift trade that generated at least $17.5 billion in revenue"). Chronicling the work of the employees at these various businesses, Minter shows readers their expertise, what special knowledge they need to have to operate successfully, what problems they face, and how the secondhand business is changing. China, for instance, used to be an importer of used clothing, but it is now an exporter. The author's respect for the people working in the business is clear, but the character-driven approach tends to lengthen the report and blur its clarity. Still, readers will come away with an understanding that the supply of secondhand goods is vast, the amount of stuff in the world is still growing, and that the secondhand business is supplying billions of people around the world with goods they want and need. The author also offers some recommendations, especially about the quality of goods, noting how the manufacture of more durable and repairable goods would have a positive effect on the secondhand business, something he notes that is beginning to happen already. The handful of black-and-white photographs, unfortunately, are generally small, murky, and unhelpful.
A character-driven, detailed, eye-opening report far richer in description than analysis.
Copyright: COPYRIGHT 2019 Kirkus Media LLC
http://www.kirkusreviews.com/
Source Citation
Source Citation (MLA 8th Edition)
"Minter, Adam: SECONDHAND." Kirkus Reviews, 15 Sept. 2019. Gale General OneFile, https://link.gale.com/apps/doc/A599964254/ITOF?u=schlager&sid=ITOF&xid=225ca05f. Accessed 10 Oct. 2019.
Gale Document Number: GALE|A599964254
Secondhand: Travels in the New Global Garage Sale Adam Minter. Bloomsbury, $28 (304p) ISBN 978-1-63557-010-6
Starting at what many people would consider the end or the story, when it's time to dispose of possessions that are unwanted, unused, or broken, business journalist Minter (Junkyard Planet) takes readers on a surprisingly jaunty trip through the global market for secondhand goods. Starting at a storage unit in the Minneapolis suburbs and winding up in Ghana's Golden Jubilee Terminal, a major import crossroads, with stops in Japan, India, and Malaysia along the way, Minter introduces a colorful cast of characters, such as 41-year-old "Shoe Guy," a (self-declared) 35-year veteran of the U.S.-Mexico trade in used goods, and Robin Ingenthron, a Vermont entrepreneur who exports computer monitors from the U.S. to the developing world. Largely a portrait of an industry in decline due to items such as clothing becoming cheaper and less durable and higher ticket electronics being developed to insure that they are difficult to repair, Minter's book reveals an economy hampered by an increasing overabundance of supply ("The things I value, I quickly realized, generally aren't valuable to anyone but me"). This is a fascinating, eye-opening look at a dynamic, largely unseen world that only starts when one drops off something at a thrift store. Agent: Wendy Sherman, Wendy Sherman Assoc. (Nov.)
Copyright: COPYRIGHT 2019 PWxyz, LLC
http://www.publishersweekly.com/
Source Citation
Source Citation (MLA 8th Edition)
"Secondhand: Travels in the New Global Garage Sale." Publishers Weekly, 15 July 2019, p. 63. Gale General OneFile, https://link.gale.com/apps/doc/A593965785/ITOF?u=schlager&sid=ITOF&xid=e73f36ed. Accessed 10 Oct. 2019.
Gale Document Number: GALE|A593965785