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WORK TITLE: THE SYSTEM
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WEBSITE: http://robertreich.org/
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COUNTRY: United States
NATIONALITY: American
LAST VOLUME: CANR 314
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PERSONAL
Surname pronounced “rysh”; born June 24, 1946, in Scranton, PA; son of Edwin Saul (a clothing store owner) and Mildred Dorf Reich; married Clare Dalton (a law professor at Northeastern University School of Law), July 7, 1973 (divorced, 2012); children: Adam, Samuel.
EDUCATION:Dartmouth College, B.A. (summa cum laude), 1968; Oxford University, M.A., 1970; Yale University, J.D., 1973.
ADDRESS
CAREER
Writer, educator, economist, government official, political commentator, and attorney. Began career as an attorney-at-law; U.S. Department of Justice, assistant solicitor general, 1974-76; Federal Trade Commission, policy planning director, 1976-81; Harvard University, John F. Kennedy School of Government, Cambridge, MA, professor of business and public policy, 1981-93; U.S. Government, Washington, DC, secretary of labor, 1993-96; Brandeis University, Waltham, MA, Maurice B. Hexter Professor of Social and Economic Policy, 1996-2005; University of California, Berkeley, CA, Goldman School of Public Policy, Chancellor’s Professor of Public Policy, 2006–; Blum Center, Berkeley, CA, senior fellow. Summer intern for Senator Robert Kennedy, 1968; coordinator of Eugene McCarthy’s 1968 presidential campaign; adviser to Democratic presidential candidates, including Walter Mondale, 1984, and Michael Dukakis, 1988. Member of governing board, Common Cause, Washington, DC, 1981-85; member of board of directors, Business Enterprise Trust, Palo Alto, CA, 1989-93; trustee for Dartmouth College, Hanover, NH, 1989-93; transition advisory board member, President-elect Barack Obama, 2009. Founder of periodical American Prospect and of Inequality Media. Host of Public Broadcasting System (PBS) television shows Made in America, 1992, and At the Grass Roots, 1998; cohost of television series The Long and the Short of It; co-creator of documentary films, Inequality for All and Saving Capitalism; also commentator on radio and television programs.
MEMBER:American Academy of Arts and Sciences.
AWARDS:Rhodes Scholar, 1968; Louis Brownlow Book Award, National Academy of Public Administration, 1983, for The Next American Frontier; Vaclav Havel Vision Foundation Prize, 2003; Professor of the year, Brandeis University, 2003; Top Ten Best Cabinet Members listee, Time magazine, 2008; Galbraith-Schlesinger Award for Lifetime Achievement, Americans for Democratic Action, 2009; Special Jury Award for Achievement in Filmmaking, Sundance Film Festival, 2013, for Inequality for All.
POLITICS: Liberal Democrat.WRITINGS
Also author of television special At the Grass Roots, PBS, 1998. Contributor to periodicals, including New York Times, New Yorker, Los Angeles Times, Boston Globe, Washington Post, Observer (London, England), and Business Week. Contributing editor of New Republic, 1982-93, Harvard Business Review, Atlantic, New York Times, and Wall Street Journal; chair of editorial board, American Prospect, 1990. Author of a blog. Also author of the plays Public Exposure, Wellfleet Harbor Actor’s Theater, 2005 and Santa Rosa Theater, June 2008, and Milton and Augusto, reading at the University of California Berkeley, Center for Latin American Studies, September 2013; and ..
SIDELIGHTS
Author and economist Robert B. Reich has written books about the economic policies of the United States, in which he developed strategies intended to counteract what he maintained was an economic decline. Reich, secretary of labor in the Clinton administration, was an advisor to Democratic presidential candidates Walter Mondale and Michael Dukakis. Former Maurice B. Hexter Professor of Social and Economic Policy at Brandeis University, Reich then became Chancellor’s Professor of Public Policy at the Goldman School of Public Policy at the University of California, Berkeley.
In many of his writings Reich explores industrial policy—a program that promotes governmental intervention as a solution to the ailing American economy. “There was no place in government where anyone was taking any kind of holistic view,” Reich told Esquire contributor Randall Rothenberg when explaining the motive behind his quest to update the country’s industrial policy. In 1982 Reich and Ira C. Magaziner presented such a view in their book Minding America’s Business: The Decline and Rise of the American Economy. Reich continued to explore the advantages of an overall industrial policy until his 1991 book, The Work of Nations: Preparing Ourselves for 21st-Century Capitalism, in which he presents a new plan of action to combat the failing economy—one devised to circumvent government aid and advocate participation in the global market.
The Next American Frontier
Reich’s liberal economic policies have typically found favor among members of the Democratic Party, and after Democrat Bill Clinton was elected president of the United States, Reich was appointed secretary of labor in January 1993. Earlier, Reich—who was called the party’s “intellectual mentor” by Time magazine writer Charles P. Alexander—received partisan notice for The Next American Frontier, a volume hailed by Democrats during the 1984 presidential election. In this book Reich discusses industrial policy as an alternative to Keynesianism, a conservative economic theory developed by English economist John Keynes in the 1930s. Keynesianism focuses on improving the economy through increasing investments; but industrial policy cedes more powers to the government, while Keynesianism allows the market to decide. Reich rejects Keynesianism, believing that government does indeed influence the economy. Rothenberg quoted Reich as stating: “Government intervention sets the boundaries, decides what’s going to be marketed, sets the rules of the game through procurement policies, tax credits, depreciation allowances, loans and loan guarantees.” And thus, assessed Rothenberg, Reich and other advocates perceive that “industrial policy … is nothing more than connecting the dots between the myriad government interventions that currently take place, to draw a unified, coherent program for economic growth.” As part of this program, Alexander stated, Reich “envisions some sort of national ‘political forum’ in which representatives from government, business, and labor would fashion joint strategies for revamping American industries.”
In The Next American Frontier Reich also discusses what he terms “paper entrepreneurialism” as a factor in the ailing economy. He claims that instead of advancing production, managers are providing “innovations on paper”—shuffling the company’s assets and production figures to show a profit. The book also explores other negative influences on the U.S. economy, including increased foreign competition. He states that high-production industries are moving into foreign countries where wages are lower, allowing products to be manufactured less expensively. With this change, American workers are losing their jobs to lower-paid workers in foreign lands. To compete with this growing trend, Reich emphasizes moving from simple product manufacturing to a skilled labor force that can respond to rapid changes in the production process. Reich calls this type of process the “flexible system.”
To help achieve this system, Reich maintains that government should be promoting human capital rather than financial capital and that government needs to promote education that will produce more skilled workers. The government’s role should also extend to providing tax incentives or loans to companies who train their workers and offer programs for the unemployed, and the government should repeal tax incentives for industries planning mergers. In a New York Times Book Review appraisal, Robert Lekachman lauded The Next American Frontier, judging that “as a diagnosis of corporate malaise, it is first-rate.” Robert Dawidoff, writing for the Los Angeles Times Book Review, heralded Reich’s book as the “kind of literature likely to thrive in our next era,” and Alexander praised the volume as “a provocative new analysis of America’s economic ills.”
Tales of a New America
Reich continued his explorations into the economic decline of America in Tales of a New America, which maintains that four mythologies have influenced the deterioration of economics and politics in America. Recalling The Next American Frontier ‘s impact on the 1984 presidential race, Washington Post Book World contributor John Makin announced that Tales of a New America “may be the first mass-market book written exclusively for Democratic presidential candidates” for the 1988 election. In the volume Reich defines each myth: “Mob at the Gate” deems foreigners as adversaries to the citizens of the United States; “The Triumphant Individual” envisions that anyone who works hard can gain power and financial security in America; “The Benevolent Community” suggests that Americans act out of social responsibility for one another; and “The Rot at the Top” suspects that the elite are corrupt and abusive with their power.
Reich told Business Week contributor Norman Jonas that “this adversarial mind-set [of the four mythologies] pits unions against management, division against division within a single corporation, U.S. companies against foreign rivals, and stodgy management against flexible new approaches to manufacturing.” Another problem, stressed Reich to Garry Abrams in the Los Angeles Times, is that workers are not staying at jobs for the long term; therefore, American company owners are afraid to invest in their employees. According to Jonas’s report, Reich proposes to counteract such negative ideologies by supporting “organizations in which people can pool their efforts, insights, and enthusiasm without fear of exploitation,” a concept he calls “collective entrepreneurialism.” Reich comments in Tales of a New America that “instead of a handful of lone entrepreneurs producing a few industry-making Big Ideas, innovation must be more continuous and collective.”
Jack Clark, a Commonweal reviewer, felt that if America appropriated Reich’s views as expressed in Tales of a New America, the nation would “engage the world without excessive confrontation, promoting third-world development and negotiated settlements to superpower disputes; foster creative groups of workers by spurring new forms like worker ownership; reorganize welfare programs to remove the stigma attached to so many recipients; and tell stories of the rot at the top that had to do with specific abuses of power by both corporate and public officials without condemning either in broad strokes.” Overall, Reich received generally favorable reviews for Tales of a New America. Jonas acknowledged that Reich’s “insights … are critically relevant to the debate over competitiveness,” and Clark heralded the book as “ambitious and fascinating.” However, Nicholas Lemann commented in his New York Times Book Review article that the author “is much better at explaining what kind of trouble we are now in than at telling us what we should do about it.”
The Resurgent Liberal and Other Unfashionable Prophecies
In 1989 Reich further conveyed his support of industrial policy and discussed his advocacy of liberalism in a book of thirty-two essays—some published in various periodicals since 1981—titled The Resurgent Liberal and Other Unfashionable Prophecies. Reich proclaims that liberalism will soon reemerge within the conservative environment surrounding the government. He again discusses the influences of paper entrepreneurialism, noting that conservative government leaders concede to its practice. Reich also argues that the economy needs government intervention to promote education for unskilled laborers, more advanced production processes, and fewer foreign restrictions.
“His arguments form a powerful polemical platform,” commented Maclean’s contributor Brian Bethune. A Publishers Weekly contributor characterized the essays as “well worth reading.”
The Work of Nations
In 1991 Reich veered from his steadfast support of industrial policy and presented a new ideology in The Work of Nations. In this volume, Reich advocates a position promoting the global market and individual education. With America penetrating the world market, Reich discourages government aid to companies. According to the author, such funding will not benefit American workers since it will also favor foreign offices. Reich advises the United States to open its borders to all foreign companies in order to provide more jobs for the American people, and also move low-wage jobs to the foreign market while promoting education for unskilled American workers. Marc Levinson quoted Reich in Newsweek as saying that “it is not what we own that counts; it is what we do.”
Reich further writes that unskilled workers are not faring well in the U.S. job market due to low productivity and foreign competition. For citizens to improve their work status, Reich advocates education for careers as “symbolic analysts,” which includes professional occupations such as engineers, market analysts, and computer technicians. To redistribute money to the less fortunate who are unable to gain the vital education needed to succeed, Reich recommends generating funding from income taxes.
In The Work of Nations, Reich proposes “positive economic nationalism in which each nation’s citizens take primary responsibility for enhancing the capacities of their countrymen for full and productive lives, but who also work with other nations to ensure that these improvements do not come at others’ expense,” quoted New Statesman reviewer David Harvey. Paul H. Weaver of Fortune called The Work of Nations Reich’s “most ambitious and important effort to date.” Reich commented in Publishers Weekly that “this was my hardest book, the most difficult to write. Sometimes my head hurt.” He went on to note: “The best way of discovering new truths is to write.”
Locked in the Cabinet
Somewhat atypical among Reich’s books is Locked in the Cabinet, the story of his experiences as secretary of labor in the Clinton administration. Reich experienced almost constant frustration in his struggle to represent common workers in a Washington bureaucracy controlled mostly by big business. “My cavernous office is becoming one of those hermetically sealed, germ-free bubbles they place around children born with immune deficiencies,” he complained in an excerpt from Locked in the Cabinet, published in Washington Monthly. “Whatever gets through to me is carefully sanitized. … I’m scheduled to the teeth.” Eventually, convinced of the essential powerlessness of his position and disillusioned by Washington politics, Reich resigned his position to return to teaching. “ Locked in the Cabinet, ” wrote People contributor Francine Prose, “is Reich’s appealing, yet ultimately disheartening, memoir of what the idealistic economist endured.” “Reich has an acid pen,” stated Henry G. Graff in his New Leader review, “and he is by turns witty, churlish, and plain vulgar. Unburdened by an ‘as told to’ coauthor, he sets a high standard of writing that puts him in the first rank of tell-all Presidential intimates.”
“As Locked in the Cabinet becomes widely read,” Graff continued, “we are bound to hear alternative versions of the episodes it describes from many of the characters who figure in them.” Differences between Reich’s accounts and other sources have been noted by several reviewers. “Reich’s acts of heroism exist mostly in his own head,” stated Reason contributor Thomas Hazlett. Hazlett added that a “New Republic editor, Mickey Kaus, wrote in a … cover story back when Reich was nominated for the Clinton cabinet [that] Reich [was] an intellectual poseur, an economist wannabe … who fabricated facts for his many tomes.” However, “in truth, Robert B. Reich is a relatively honest policy broker in Washington,” Hazlett concluded. “Calibrate accordingly.”
The Future of Success
Reich’s 2000 work, The Future of Success, explores the new technological economy that flourished in the late 1990s. The book takes a “look at the cost of U.S. prosperity and suggests remedies to help workers gain greater control of their lives,” summarized Tammy Joyner in Knight-Ridder/Tribune Business News. Reich argues that the opportunities that come with this new technological economy have a cost, which is the creation of a workforce that finds itself with no time for balancing personal life with work. In an interview with Across the Board, Reich commented: “I try to explain to people why they are feeling as stressed as they are and try to enable them to see that it’s not so much that they have failed at work, or failed at being adequate friends or parents or neighbors or members of their community, but that there’s something about the structure of the economy that’s shifted. This is something almost all of us are facing today.”
Critics were largely enthusiastic in their response to The Future of Success. A Publishers Weekly reviewer called the work a “knowledgeable overview of the pros and cons” of the new economy. Norman B. Hutcherson in Library Journal similarly commented that Reich offers a “provocative analysis” of economic concerns and options that workers can explore to reestablish balance in their lives. “Reich is a big thinker and a great writer,” praised Nancy Folbre in the Washington Post. “He deftly explains how many seemingly pleasant private decisions lead to distinctly unpleasant public results.” A Kirkus Reviews contributor noted that though much of what Reich argues in the work is not new, “few writers are as skillful at synthesizing knowledge and making the complex clear.” Randall Rothenberg in Advertising Age commented: “[Reich is] one of the keenest observers of the interplay between business and society, with an uncanny ability to part the waters of information overload and open a path to clarity. He always courted controversy—but he’s generally proved correct.”
I'll Be Short and Reason
Reich continues his examination of the intersection between politics and the economy with I’ll Be Short: Essentials for a Decent Working Society, “a punchy, pragmatic, articulate statement of the basic goals of progressive reform,” according to Booklist contributor Mary Carroll. In this brief analysis of what he sees has gone wrong in the United States for ordinary citizens, Reich contends that the amazing economic growth following World War II was based on a three-pronged informal social contract. This included the precepts that those who want a job should have one, that those who work should earn enough live beyond the poverty level, and that education should be available for all Americans. According to Reich, these precepts have been eroded in recent decades as the gap between wealthy and poor has widened, and they must be restored for the United States to again become the economic powerhouse it once was. Reich examines the roles that business, government, and education can play in this renewal. New York Times Book Review contributor Pam Belluck noted: “Reich’s central point is that government and business have skipped out on the social contract.” As Reich sees it, businesses should make the workplace more family friendly, with benefits such as family and medical leave, and assistance with child care, while the government could start to assist families by raising the minimum wage. Belluck further observed: “Reich does his best to make his 121 pages a breezy read.”
In his 2004 work, Reason: Why Liberals Will Win the Battle for America, Reich comes to the defense of liberalism as a mainstream political identity. He takes aim at what he terms “radcons,” or radical conservatives working in and advising the government of President George W. Bush. Such radcons, in Reich’s view, created havoc with tax breaks for the wealthy and a rollback of civil liberties domestically, while in foreign affairs they were responsible for the reckless policy of preemptive wars, such as that in Iraq. Reich compares favorably the record of liberals in both domestic and foreign affairs with that of the radical conservatives, and argues that liberals are the best hope for redirecting the United States. Booklist contributor Ilene Cooper felt that “this mild-mannered tome [should] engender plenty of shouting on the talk shows.” Though published in time for the 2004 presidential elections, Reason ‘s “distinctive perspective provides insights targeted well beyond November’s election,” according to a Publishers Weekly contributor. Reviewing the book in the New York Times, Ted Widmer, on the other hand, felt it was perhaps too reasoned to succeed. Widmer noted that all of Reich’s arguments “are eminently wise, but the cumulative effect is a bit like being urged by a high school guidance counselor to spend more time doing charity work.” William Saletan, writing in the New York Times Book Review, however, thought that the author “speaks with Hegelian confidence in his new manifesto.”
Supercapitalism
Reich looks at the development of capitalism in the United States and Europe since World War II in the 2007 title Supercapitalism: The Transformation of Business, Democracy, and Everyday Life. Here he argues that the increasing competition that has enabled the wide variety and availability of goods at the lowest price may not be the best result of capitalism. Lost in the mix are smaller, family-run enterprises and a sense of community when big-box stores and shopping malls destroy the downtown. Such supercapitalism also leads to numerous threats to democracy. One of these is the overwhelming power of lobbyists for big business. Since 1997 the number of lobbyists in Washington has tripled, all of them competing with direct payments to reelection campaigns for congressional influence. Other negative effects of supercapitalism include the continued destruction of the environment, lower pay for workers, and an ever-expanding gap between rich and poor worldwide. Thus, as the United States has grown stronger in the economy via capitalism, that country and others have become weaker as democracies. Americans are experiencing a tension between their roles as consumers and citizens, in the author’s view. Reich’s solution for these problems is to take capitalism out of democracy, to regulate corporations more tightly, and to eradicate the corporate income tax, among other suggestions.
Reviewing Supercapitalism in the International Journal on World Peace, Gordon L. Anderson termed it “a clear and realistic analysis of the role of the corporation and financial markets in the modern world.” Anderson added: “It should be read by anyone who wants to better understand how corporate competition unduly influences the United States government and other governments around the world.” Similarly, a Publishers Weekly contributor called Supercapitalism a “compelling and important analysis,” and further noted: “Provocatively argued, this book could help begin a necessary national conversation.” Robert Frank, writing for the New York Times Book Review, saw Reich’s book as a “a grand debunking of the conventional wisdom in the style of John Kenneth Galbraith.” Reviewing the work in the San Francisco Chronicle, Tom Abate noted that Supercapitalism “is not a polemic or a call to arms.” Instead, Abate observed, “Reich is merely trying to dent capitalism’s rock-star status while suggesting to a dazed citizenry that, as Shakespeare said of Caesar’s Rome, the fault is not in our stars but in ourselves.”
“Economic growth and social justice depend on one another to some extent, as we are seeing right now in the U.S.,” Reich told Alan Johnson in an interview for Democratiya Web site, in which Reich elaborated on the message of Supercapitalism. “It’s very hard to keep an economy going when median wages are dropping and most people are going deep in debt and can’t afford to buy. When wealth and income become extremely concentrated at the top the economy lacks sufficient aggregate demand to keep it going. We saw this last in 1928 when inequality reached similar proportions in the U.S.”
Aftershock
With Aftershock: The Next Economy and America’s Future, Reich presents a “brilliant reading of the economic crisis” of the early twenty-first century and what is needed to correct America’s economic course, noted a Library Journal contributor. In this book, Reich describes the processes that led up to a destabilization of the American economy in the later years of the 2000s. He analyzes how in the years leading up to the economic trouble, an ever-widening disparity between the richest U.S. citizens and the middle class created a dangerous imbalance of wealth. “For three decades, the wealthy reaped inordinate benefits from a growing economy while middle-class wages stopped climbing,” noted a Kirkus Reviews contributor.
In this economic climate, the overall economy lost access to the millions of dollars that the middle class would have otherwise earned and spent. The federal government did little to stem the flow of wealth to select pockets; privatization, deregulation, and a slavish devotion to the idea of the “free market” kept any sort of rebalancing of wealth from occurring. An increasingly burdened middle class did what they could to deal with the situation, but eventually the crash occurred, in 2008, according to Reich. In the titular aftershock, “many Americans are moving from distrust to anger” over a government and an economy that have failed them, the Kirkus Reviews writer stated.
For Reich, the solution is not so much a redistribution of wealth as a return to the idea that the middle class, and even the lower economic classes, are also consumers, and that the proceeds from their labor are a vital component of the overall health of the American economy. He makes a number of suggestions to reverse this situation, many of which are likely to generate a political frenzy. For example, he endorses increased income, inheritance, and capital-gains taxes on the rich; he suggests a reverse income tax to assist the poor and the middle class; he puts forward a carbon tax on fossil fuels, a return to widespread unionization, and strong laws governing campaign finance. He likens the current situation to that of the 1920s before the Great Depression, when the astonishing amounts of money flowing to the massively rich deprived the middle class of the purchasing power needed to keep the economy in motion.
“Reich’s thesis is well argued and frighteningly plausible,” commented a Publishers Weekly contributor. New York Times Book Review contributor Sebastian Mallaby remarked that “much of Reich’s book is important and well executed” and that the author is “fluent, fearless, even amusing” in his descriptions of the problem and its possible solutions. In the end, noted Business Owner reviewer David L. Perkins, Jr., Reich believes that by “returning to ‘the basic bargain’—supporting a strong middle class and reducing the gap between rich, middle class and poor—we ALL once again can enjoy prosperity.”
Beyond Outrage
Reich condemns special interests in Washington in his 2012 book, Beyond Outrage: What Has Gone Wrong with Our Economy and Our Democracy, and How to Fix It. He also laments the increasing gap between rich and poor in America and urges readers to take a stand against economic inequality.
“Mr. Reich’s demonstration of the extent to which our political system has been corrupted by wealth is powerful and convincing. And he offers the reader a way forward that is believable,” asserted Andrew Rosenbaum on the New York Review of Books Web site. Rosenbaum also described the volume as a “well-aimed emotional rant.” “Short and lively, this is a timely contribution to making the ongoing discussion more productive,” commented a Kirkus Reviews contributor.
Saving Capitalism
In Saving Capitalism: For the Many, Not the Few, Reich advocates for the government to set rules that will reverse the income inequality that has been increasing in the United States over the course of decades. He calls for a guaranteed income for all citizens, intellectual property reforms, and changes in antitrust laws.
Writing on the Chicago Tribune website, Bill Barnhart criticized the volume’s argument, stating: “Shaming rich people and corporate CEOs generally fails as a strategy for seeking greater a power balance. Instead, Reich and his fellow liberal economists need to focus on countervailing forces already underway, scoring victories great and small.” However, Joel Whitney, a contributor to the SF Gate Web site, asserted: “As the race for the presidency goes from gearing up to full throttle, Saving Capitalism will prove to be an essential economic primer for the race, as it articulates the necessity for what Reich calls countervailing power against those many insiders who continue to amass huge wealth on the backs of most of the country’s productivity—and our collective suffering under relative stagnation.” On the New York Review of Books website, Paul Krugman observed: “Reich argues that the insincerity doesn’t matter, because the very fact that people like Cruz feel the need to say such things indicates a sea change in public opinion. And this change in public opinion, he suggests, will eventually lead to the kind of political change that he, justifiably, seeks. We can only hope he’s right. In the meantime, Saving Capitalism is a very good guide to the state we’re in.” Alison Griswold, writing for the New York Times Book Review website, remarked: “ Saving Capitalism is loaded with broad proclamations, while at times frustratingly spare on the particulars. What’s left is an exhaustive, if repetitive, outpouring of Reich’s indignations with politics, with free-market ideals, with the proverbial system.” A Kirkus Reviews contributor commented: “Reich’s overriding message is that we don’t have to put up with things as they are. It’s a useful and necessary one, if not likely to sway the powers that be.”
START NEW
Economics in Wonderland
In his 2017 book Economics in Wonderland: A Cartoon Guide to a Political World Gone Mad and Mean, Reich presents short essays culled from his informal presentations on economics. In the book Reich focuses on global austerity and what he sees as its disastrous policies. Like his lectures, in which he uses cartoons he draws to illustrate his points, the book includes a number of Reich’s drawings. The book is broken up into four sections: “Big Money”; “Shams, Scams, and Film-Flams,” “Solutions,” and “Trumponomics.”
“The goal is to convey a lot in that simplicity,” Reich commented on his use of cartoons to Etelka Lehoczky in an interview for the NPR: National Public Radio website. In the same article Lehoczky noted that Reich has “got a remarkable knack for wielding a Sharpie.”
The Common Good
Reich presents a brief discussion about the balance of the common good and self-interest in American society in his book titled The Common Good. Drawing from examples dating back to the 1960s, Reich presents his cas that the principal goal of development as something that is undertaken for the common good has been forgotten in the United States. He points to a plethora of selfish examples in the political and business worlds. Reich discusses how the idea of the common good, first put forth by America’s founding fathers, has had a great impact on America and then goes on to describe the reasons behind the seemingly shrinking interest in this philosophy by government an business leaders. He then offers solutions, from choosing the right political leaders to educating children about the concept of the common good to the need for citizens to stand up and be heard.
S. Mitropolitski, writing for Choice, noted that Reich avoids making a “scientific presentation of the subject matter” and that he uses “major newspapers’ vocabulary.” A Kirkus Reviews contributor called The Common Good “idealistic and stronger in description than prescription, but a provocative essay nonetheless.”
The System
The System: Who Rigged It, How We Fix It, published in 2020, presents Reich’s case that, instead of addressing economic issues in terms political parties or the left and the right, the real fight is between the oligarchy and democracy. He claims the oligarchy cares little about democracy but is instead focused on creating more wealth for themselves. He notes they have been extremely successful but at a significant cost to the middle class, which he views as dying in the United States.
Reich’s primary example is JPMorgan Chase and its CEO and chairman, Jamie Dimon. Although Dimon expounds the virtues of democracy and his philanthropic efforts, his leadership of JPMorgan Chase, according to Reich, has further enabled income equality via efforts to support less government regulation of industry and larger tax cuts for corporations. Meanwhile, Dimon and others see little need for the government to supply a safety net for the poor while supporting policies of government bailouts, which Reich views as socialism for the wealthy. A Kirkus Reviews contributor called the book a “much-needed, readably concise political and economic analysis.”
CLOSE NEW
BIOCRIT
BOOKS
Almanac of Famous People, 6th edition, Gale (Detroit, MI), 1998.
Newsmakers 1995, Issue 4, Gale (Detroit, MI), 1995.
Nomination: Hearing of the Committee on Labor and Human Resources, U.S. Senate, One Hundred Third Congress, First Session, on Robert Reich, of Massachusetts, to Be Secretary, Department of Labor, January 7, 1993, U.S. Congress and Senate (Washington, DC), 1993.
Reich, Robert B., The Next American Frontier, Times Books (New York, NY), 1983.
Reich, Robert B., Tales of a New America, Times Books (New York, NY), 1987.
Reich, Robert B., Locked in the Cabinet, Knopf (New York, NY), 1997.
PERIODICALS
Across the Board, January, 2001, “The Treadmill of the New Economy,” author interview, p. 33.
Advertising Age, February 26, 2001, Randall Rothenberg, review of The Future of Success, p. 30.
American Film, June 23, 1997, review of Locked in the Cabinet, p. 31.
American Spectator, September, 1983, review of The Next American Frontier, p. 32; December, 1983, review of The Next American Frontier, p. 12.
Booklist, April 1, 1983, review of The Next American Frontier, p. 996; April 15, 1985, review of New Deals: The Chrysler Revival and the American System, p. 1140; September 1, 1989, review of The Resurgent Liberal and Other Unfashionable Prophecies, p. 14; November 15, 2000, Ray Olson, review of The Future of Success, p. 586; May 1, 2002, Mary Carroll, review of I’ll Be Short: Essentials for a Decent Working Society; April 15, 2004, Ilene Cooper, review of Reason: Why Liberals Will Win the Battle for America, p. 1402; July 1, 2007, Vanessa Bush, review of Supercapitalism: The Transformation of Business, Democracy, and Everyday Life, p. 5; September 1, 2010, Gilbert Taylor, review of Aftershock: The Next Economy and America’s Future, p. 22; September 15, 2012, Vernon Ford, review of Beyond Outrage: What Has Gone Wrong with Our Economy and Our Democracy, and How to Fix It, p. 8; February 1, 2018, Donna Seaman, review of The Common Good, p. 5.
BookPage, March, 2001, review of The Future of Success, p. 20.
Business Owner, March-April, 2011, David L. Perkins, Jr., review of Aftershock, p. 8.
Business Week, December 16, 1985, review of New Deals, p. 12; April 13, 1987, Norman Jonas, review of Tales of a New America; March 18, 1991, review of The Work of Nations: Preparing Ourselves for 21st-Century Capitalism, pp. 14-15; February 26, 2001, review of The Future of Success, p. 166.
Choice, February, 1988, review of The Power of Public Ideas, p. 970; April, 2008, M. Perelman, review of Supercapitalism, p. 1387; January, 2011, R.E. Schenk, review of Aftershock, p. 960; July, 2018, S. Mitropolitski, review of The Common Good, p. 1405.
Commonweal, May 22, 1987, Jack Clark, Tales of a New America, pp. 326, 328.
Contemporary Sociology, May, 2011, review of Aftershock, p. 371.
Economic Books: Current Selections, September, 1984, review of The Next American Frontier, p. 2.
Economist, May 3, 1997, review of Locked in the Cabinet, p. 78.
Esquire, May, 1983, Randall Rothenberg, “Robert Reich’s New Industrial Revelations,” author interview, pp. 94-95, 97-99.
Fortune, March 25, 1991, Paul H. Weaver, review of The Work of Nations, p. 135.
Futurist, January-February, 2009, review of Supercapitalism, p. 56.
Harper’s, June, 1983, review of The Next American Frontier, p. 60.
Harvard Business Review, February, 2001, review of The Future of Success, p. 145; September, 2007, John T. Landry, review of Supercapitalism, p. 34.
HR, June, 2001, review of The Future of Success, p. 231.
International Journal on World Peace, December 1, 2007, Gordon L. Anderson, review of Supercapitalism, p. 111.
Journal of Economic Literature, December, 1987, review of New Deals, p. 1949.
Kirkus Reviews, March 15, 1983, review of The Next American Frontier, p. 363; January 15, 1987, review of Tales of a New America, p. 116; August 1, 1989, review of The Resurgent Liberal and Other Unfashionable Prophesies, p. 1143; December 1, 2000, review of The Future of Success, p. 1666; March 15, 2004, review of Reason; July 15, 2010, review of Aftershock; September 1, 2012, review of Beyond Outrage; August 15, 2015, review of Saving Capitalism: For the Many, Not the Few; February 1, 2018, review of The Common Good; March 15, 2020, review of The System: Who Rigged It, How We Fix It.
Knight-Ridder/Tribune Business News, January 28, 2001, review of The Future of Success.
Library Journal, March 1, 1984, review of The Next American Frontier, p. 441; August, 1989, review of The Resurgent Liberal and Other Unfashionable Prophesies, p. 153; May 15, 1997, Karl Helicher, review of Locked in the Cabinet, p. 88; December, 2000, Norman B. Hutcherson, review of The Future of Success, p. 157; June 15, 2010, review of Aftershock, p. S9.
Los Angeles Times, June 26, 1983, review of The Next American Frontier, p. 2; May 3, 1987, Garry Abrams, review of Tales of a New America; May 31, 1987, review of Tales of a New America, p. 4; April 21, 1991, review of The Work of Nations, p. 2; February 11, 2001, review of The Future of Success, p. 8.
Los Angeles Times Book Review, June 26, 1983, Robert Dawidoff, review of The Next American Frontier, pp. 2, 11.
Maclean’s, May 16, 1983, review of The Next American Frontier, p. 40; April 23, 1990, Brian Bethune, review of The Resurgent Liberal and Other Unfashionable Prophecies.
National Catholic Reporter, May 16, 2008, Tom Gallagher, review of Supercapitalism, p. 22.
New Leader, May 5, 1987, review of Tales of a New America, pp. 11-13; May 19, 1997, Henry G. Graff, review of Locked in the Cabinet, p. 6.
New Republic, July 28, 1997, review of Locked in the Cabinet, pp. 27-33.
New Statesman, December 13, 1991, David Harvey, review of The Work of Nations; May, 1997, review of The Work of Nations, p. 129.
Newsweek, April 1, 1991, Marc Levinson, review of The Work of Nations, p. 40.
New Yorker, June 20, 1983, review of The Next American Frontier, p. 97.
New York Times, January 17, 1990, review of The Resurgent Liberal and Other Unfashionable Prophecies, p. C19; July 7, 2004, Ted Widmer, review of Reason.
New York Times Book Review, April 24, 1983, Robert Lekachman, review of The Next American Frontier, pp. 1, 18; July 17, 1985, review of New Deals, p. 5; March 22, 1987, Nicholas Lemann, review of Tales of a New America, pp. 7, 9; March 27, 1988, review of Tales of a New America, p. 48; March 10, 1991, review of The Work of Nations, pp. 3, 18; March 17, 1991, review of The Resurgent Liberal and Other Unfashionable Prophecies, p. 34; April 12, 1992, review of The Work of Nations, p. 32; June 1, 1997, review of Locked in the Cabinet, p. 39; December 7, 1997, review of Locked in the Cabinet, p. 72; August 4, 2002, Pam Belluck, review of I’ll Be Short; July 18, 2004, William Saletan, review of Reason; October 21, 2007, Robert Frank, “Invisible Handcuffs,” review of Supercapitalism, p. 2; September 26, 2010, Sebastian Mallaby, “Fairer Deal,” review of Aftershock, p. 13.
People, June 9, 1997, Francine Prose, review of Locked in the Cabinet, p. 40.
People & Strategy, December 1, 2008, Lee J. Konczak, review of Supercapitalism, p. 56.
Progressive, March, 1984, review of The Next American Frontier, p. 39.
Publishers Weekly, March 23, 1984, review of The Next American Frontier, p. 70; August 4, 1989, review of The Resurgent Liberal and Other Unfashionable Prophecies, p. 78; January 24, 1991, review of The Work of Nations, pp. 15-16; May 5, 1997, review of Locked in the Cabinet, p. 41; November 13, 2000, review of The Future of Success, p. 92; January 26, 2004, review of Reason; July 16, 2007, review of Supercapitalism, p. 155; August 16, 2010, review of Aftershock, p. 42.
Reason, December, 1991, review of The Work of Nations, p. 45; August-October, 1997, Thomas Hazlett, “Planet Reich: Thanks for the Memoirs,” review of Locked in the Cabinet, pp. 63-66.
San Francisco Chronicle, September 9, 2007, Tom Abate, “Robert Reich: Don’t Blame Wal-Mart, We’re Getting What We Ask for,” review of Supercapitalism, p. M1.
Tikkun, May, 2001, David M. Stone, review of The Future of Success, p. 75.
Time, May 2, 1983, Charles P. Alexander, review of The Next American Frontier, p. 60; March 4, 1991, review of The Work of Nations, p. 78.
Times Literary Supplement, May 13, 1991, review of The Work of Nations, p. 10.
Tribune Books (Chicago, IL), March 10, 1991, review of The Work of Nations, p. 3; January 28, 2001, review of The Future of Success, p. 3.
Venture, October, 1987, review of Tales of a New America, p. 18.
Village Voice Literary Supplement, May, 1987, review of Tales of a New America, p. 10.
Wall Street Journal, November 6, 1989, review of The Resurgent Liberal and Other Unfashionable Prophecies, p. A15.
Washington Monthly, March, 1987, review of Tales of a New America, p. 51; October, 1989, review of The Resurgent Liberal and Other Unfashionable Prophesies, p. 56; July-August, 1997, review of Locked in the Cabinet, pp. 8-11.
Washington Post, February 18, 2001, Nancy Folbre, review of The Future of Success, p. T6.
Washington Post Book World, May 22, 1983, review of The Next American Frontier, p. 8; May 26, 1985, review of New Deals, p. 9; April 5, 1987, John Makin, review of Tales of a New America, p. 1; November 5, 1989, review of The Resurgent Liberal and Other Unfashionable Prophecies, p. 17; May 11, 1997, review of Locked in the Cabinet, p. 5; February 18, 2001, review of The Future of Success, p. 6; December 2, 2001, review of The Future of Success, p. 8; Sept 16, 2007, Alan Cooperman, review of Supercapitalism, p. 2.
ONLINE
American Prospect Online, http://www.prospect.org/ (October 23, 2009), “Robert B. Reich.”
Chicago Tribune Online, http://www.chicagotribune.com/ (November 5, 2015), Bill Barnhart, review of Saving Capitalism.
Consumer Law & Policy Blog, http://pubcit.typepad.com/ (October 23, 2009), Jeff Sovern, review of Supercapitalism.
Democratiya, http://www.democratiya.com/ (October 23, 2009), Alan Johnson, “Supercapitalism and Its Discontents: An Interview with Robert Reich.”
Goldman School of Public Policy, University of California, Berkeley website, http://gspp.berkeley.edu/ (April 16, 2020), author faculty profile.
NPR: National Public Radio website, https://www.npr.org/ November 12, 2017, Etelka, Lehoczky, “Robert Reich Shows Off His Cartooning Skills In ‘In Wonderland.
New York Journal of Books, http://www.nyjournalofbooks.com/ (April 17, 2012), Andrew Rosenbaum, review of Beyond Outrage.
New York Review of Books Online, http://www.nybooks.com/ (December 17, 2015), Paul Krugman, review of Saving Capitalism.
New York Times Book Review Online, http://www.nytimes.com/ (November 13, 2015), Alison Griswold, review of Saving Capitalism.
Puente’s Reading Room, http://puentesreadingroom.blogspot.com/ (October 23, 2009), Joseph L. Puente, review of Supercapitalism.
Robert B. Reich website, http://www.robertreich.org (April 16, 2020).
SF Gate, http://www.sfgate.org/ (October 9, 2015), Joel Whitney, review of Saving Capitalism.
Time Online, http://www.time.com/ (October 23, 2009), “Top 10 Best Cabinet Members.”
United States Department of Labor website, http://www.dol.gov/ (October 23, 2009), “Hall of Secretaries.”
Research University of California Berkeley website, https://vcresearch.berkeley.edu/ (April 16, 2020), author faculty profile.*
ROBERT B. REICH is Chancellor's Professor of Public Policy at the Goldman School of Public Policy at the University of California, Berkeley. He has served in three national administrations and has written fifteen books, including The Work of Nations, Saving Capitalism, Supercapitalism, and Locked in the Cabinet. His articles have appeared in The New Yorker, The Atlantic, The New York Times, The Washington Post, and The Wall Street Journal. He is co-creator of the award-winning documentary Inequality for All and of the Netflix documentary Saving Capitalism, and is co-founder of Inequality Media. He lives in Berkeley and blogs at robertreich.org.
Robert is the Chancellor's Professor of Public Policy at the University of California, Berkeley, and Senior Fellow at the Blum Center for Developing Economies. He has served in three national administrations, including as Secretary of Labor in the Clinton administration. Time Magazine named Robert one of the ten most effective cabinet secretaries of the twentieth century.
Robert is also the co-founder of Inequality Media, a nonpartisan digital media company dedicated to informing and engaging the public about inequality and imbalance of power.
Robert has written 14 books, including the best sellers Aftershock, The Common Good, and Saving Capitalism. His articles have appeared in The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal, The New Yorker, and The Atlantic. Robert is also a founding editor of the American Prospect magazine and Chairman of Common Cause.
Robert Reich
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Not to be confused with Robert Raich or Rob Reich.
Robert Reich
Robert Reich University of Iowa Sep 7 2011.jpg
22nd United States Secretary of Labor
In office
January 20, 1993 – January 20, 1997
President Bill Clinton
Preceded by Lynn Morley Martin
Succeeded by Alexis Herman
Personal details
Born Robert Bernard Reich
June 24, 1946 (age 73)
Scranton, Pennsylvania, U.S.
Political party Democratic
Spouse(s) Clare Dalton
(m. 1973; div. 2012)
Children 2, including Sam
Education Dartmouth College (BA)
University College, Oxford (MPhil)
Yale Law School (JD)
Website Official website
Robert Bernard Reich (/raɪʃ/;[1] born June 24, 1946) is an American economist,[2][3][4][5] professor, author, and political commentator. He served in the administrations of Presidents Gerald Ford, Jimmy Carter, and Bill Clinton. He was Secretary of Labor from 1993 to 1997. He was a member of President Barack Obama's economic transition advisory board.
Reich has been the Chancellor's Professor of Public Policy at the Goldman School of Public Policy at UC Berkeley since January 2006.[6] He was formerly a professor at Harvard University's John F. Kennedy School of Government[7] and professor of social and economic policy at the Heller School for Social Policy and Management of Brandeis University. He has also been a contributing editor of The New Republic, The American Prospect (also chairman and founding editor), Harvard Business Review, The Atlantic, The New York Times, and The Wall Street Journal.
Reich is a political commentator on programs including Erin Burnett OutFront, CNN Tonight, Anderson Cooper's AC360, Hardball with Chris Matthews, This Week with George Stephanopoulos, CNBC's Kudlow & Company, and APM's Marketplace. In 2008, Time magazine named him one of the Ten Best Cabinet Members of the century,[8] and The Wall Street Journal in 2008 placed him sixth on its list of Most Influential Business Thinkers.[9] He was appointed a member of President-elect Barack Obama's economic transition advisory board.[10] Until 2012, he was married to British-born lawyer Clare Dalton, with whom he has two sons, Sam and Adam.[11][12]
He has published 18 books, including the best-sellers The Work of Nations, Reason, Saving Capitalism, Supercapitalism, Aftershock: The Next Economy and America's Future, and a best-selling e-book, Beyond Outrage. He is also chairman of Common Cause and writes his own blog about the political economy at Robertreich.org.[13] The Robert Reich–Jacob Kornbluth film Saving Capitalism was selected to be a Netflix Original, and debuted in November 2017, and their film Inequality for All won a U.S. Documentary Special Jury Award for Achievement in Filmmaking at the 2013 Sundance Film Festival in Utah.[14][15]
Contents
1 Early life and career
2 Secretary of Labor
3 After the Clinton administration
4 Political stances
5 Social media
6 Personal life
7 Awards
8 Books
9 Plays
10 Filmography
11 See also
12 References
13 External links
Early life and career
Robert Reich, from United States Department of Labor, 1993
Reich was born in Scranton, Pennsylvania, the son of Mildred Dorf (née Freshman) and Edwin Saul Reich (1914–2016), who owned a women's clothing store. His family is Jewish.[16][17] As a child, he was diagnosed with multiple epiphyseal dysplasia, also known as Fairbank's disease, a bone disorder that results in short stature among other symptoms. This condition made him a target for bullies and he sought out the protection of older boys; one of them was Michael Schwerner, who was later a victim in the murders of Chaney, Goodman, and Schwerner by the Ku Klux Klan in 1964 for the registration of African-American voters. Reich cites this event as an inspiration to "fight the bullies, to protect the powerless, to make sure that the people without a voice have a voice".[18]
He attended John Jay High School in Cross River, New York, and Dartmouth College, graduating with an A.B. summa cum laude in 1968 and winning a Rhodes Scholarship to study Philosophy, Politics, and Economics at University College, Oxford.[19] While at Dartmouth, Reich went on a date with Hillary Rodham, the future Hillary Clinton, then an undergraduate at Wellesley College.[20] While a Rhodes Scholar at Oxford, Reich first met Bill Clinton, also a Rhodes Scholar. Although he was drafted to serve in the Vietnam War, he did not pass the physical as he was under the required minimum height of five feet.[21] Reich subsequently earned a J.D. from Yale Law School, where he was an editor of the Yale Law Journal. At Yale, he was classmates with Bill and Hillary Clinton, Clarence Thomas, Michael Medved, and Richard Blumenthal.[22]
From 1973 to 1974, he served as law clerk to Judge Frank M. Coffin, chief judge of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the First Circuit; and from 1974 to 1976 was assistant to the U.S. Solicitor General, Robert Bork. In 1977, President Jimmy Carter appointed him director of the Policy Planning Staff at the Federal Trade Commission.
From 1980 until 1992, Reich taught at the John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University, where he wrote a series of influential books and articles, including The Next American Frontier and The Work of Nations. In The Next American Frontier he blamed the nation's lagging economic growth on "paper entrepreneurialism", which is the financial and legal gamesmanship that drained the economy of resources needed for better products and services.
In The Work of Nations, he argues that a nation's competitiveness depends on the education and skills of its people and the infrastructure that connects them, rather than on the profitability of companies headquartered within it. Private capital, he says, is increasingly global and footloose—while a nation's people—its human capital—constitutes the one resource on which a nation's future standard of living uniquely depends. He urges policy makers to make such public investments the cornerstone of economic policy.
Secretary of Labor
Reich in the East Room during the 1993 swearing-in ceremony for Clinton's cabinet
Bill Clinton incorporated Reich's thinking into his 1992 campaign platform, "Putting People First", and after being elected invited Reich to head his economic transition team. Reich later joined the administration as Secretary of Labor. During his tenure, he implemented the Family and Medical Leave Act (FMLA), successfully lobbied to increase the minimum wage, lobbied to pass the School-to-Work Jobs Act, and to integrate all job-training and job-displacement programs so workers who lost their jobs could get access to all the help they needed to get new ones that paid at least as much as the old.[citation needed]
In addition, Reich used the office as a platform for focusing national attention on the need to help American workers to adapt to the new economy. He popularized the term "corporate welfare"—arguing that the nation could get the money it needed to retrain people and move them from welfare to work by cutting "aid for dependent corporations". He advocated that the country provide more opportunities for workers to learn technological skills.[citation needed]
After the Clinton administration
Reich speaking in 2009
In 1996, between Clinton's re-election and second inauguration, Reich decided to leave the department to spend more time with his sons, then in their teen years. He published his experiences working for the Clinton administration in Locked in the Cabinet. After publication of the book, Reich received criticism for embellishing events with invented dialogue. The paperback release of the memoir revised or omitted the inventions.[23]
Reich became a professor at Brandeis University, teaching courses for undergraduates as well as in the Heller School for Social Policy and Management. In 2003, he was elected the Professor of the Year by the undergraduate student body.[24]
In 2002, he ran for Governor of Massachusetts. He also published an associated campaign book, I'll Be Short. Reich was the first Democratic candidate for a major political office to support same-sex marriage.[citation needed] He also pledged support for abortion rights and strongly condemned capital punishment. His campaign staff was largely made up of his Brandeis students. Although his campaign had little funding, he came in a close second out of six candidates in the Democratic primary with 25% of the vote;[25] Shannon O'Brien, the first-place finisher, went on to lose the general election to Republican Mitt Romney.[26]
In 2003, he was awarded the Václav Havel Foundation VIZE 97 Prize, by the former Czech President, for his writings in economics and politics.[27] In 2004, he published Reason: Why Liberals Will Win the Battle for America, a book on how liberals can forcefully argue for their position in a country increasingly dominated by what he called "radcons", or radical conservatives.
In addition to his professorial role, he has been a weekly contributor to the American Public Media public radio program Marketplace, and a regular columnist for the American Prospect, which he co-founded in 1990.[28] He has also frequently contributed to CNBC's Kudlow & Company and On the Money.
Reich speaking at University of Texas in 2015
In early 2005, there was speculation that Reich would once again seek the Democratic nomination for Governor of Massachusetts. He instead endorsed the then-little-known candidacy of Deval Patrick, who had previously served as Assistant Attorney General for Civil Rights in the Clinton Administration. Patrick won the party's endorsement, a three-way primary with nearly 50% of the vote, and the general election in November 2006.
In September 2005 Reich testified against John Roberts at his confirmation hearings for Chief Justice of the United States Supreme Court.
On January 1, 2006, Reich joined the faculty of UC Berkeley's Goldman School of Public Policy. Since then, he has taught a popular undergraduate course called Wealth and Poverty, in addition to his graduate courses.[29] Reich is also a member of the board of trustees for the Blum Center for Developing Economies at the University of California, Berkeley.[30] The center is focused on finding solutions to address the crisis of extreme poverty and disease in the developing world.[31]
In 2007 his book Supercapitalism: The Transformation of Business, Democracy, and Everyday Life was published. In it he argued turbo-charged corporate competition, fueled by consumers and investors seeking the best possible deals from anywhere in the world, was generating severe social problems. But governments were failing to address them because big corporations and Wall Street firms were also seeking competitive advantage over one another through politics, thereby drowning out the voices of ordinary citizens. The answer was to keep corporations focused on making better products and services and keep them out of politics. "Corporate Social Responsibility" should take the form of forbearance from activities that undermine democracy.
Reich being interviewed by the press during the 2008 Democratic National Convention
During the 2008 primaries, Reich published an article that was critical of the Clintons, referring to Bill Clinton's attacks on Barack Obama as "ill-tempered and ill-founded", and accusing the Clintons of waging "a smear campaign against Obama that employs some of the worst aspects of the old politics".[32]
On April 18, 2008, Reich endorsed Barack Obama for President of the United States.[33]
On April 3, 2009, Reich commented that published U6 employment figures indicated that the United States was in a depression.[34]
In 2010, his weekly column is syndicated by Tribune Content Agency.[35]
In September 2010, his book Aftershock: The Next Economy and America's Future was published. In it, Reich explained how America's widening inequality had contributed to the great recession and made it difficult for the economy to recover, by undermining the purchasing power of the middle class relative to the nation's productive capacity. In April 2012, his book Beyond Outrage was published as an e-book. It focused on why an increasing portion of the public felt the game was rigged in favor of those with wealth and power, why the "regressive right" was nonetheless able to persuade many that taxes should be lowered even further on corporations and the wealthy while many public services should be cut, and what average people could do to take back the economy and reclaim democracy.
In 2013, he teamed up with filmmaker Jacob Kornbluth to produce the documentary Inequality for All, based on his book Aftershock which won a Special Jury Award at the Sundance Film Festival.
In September 2015, his book Saving Capitalism: For the Many, Not the Few was published. In it, he warned that widening inequality would generate a blue-collar backlash that could take the form of a demagogue who blames immigrants and minorities for the growing economic stresses felt by the working class.[36]
On February 26, 2016, he endorsed Bernie Sanders for President of the United States.[37] After Sanders ended his campaign, Reich urged Sanders's supporters to back eventual Democratic nominee Hillary Clinton.[38] Since at least summer 2016, Reich has contributed an opinion column to Newsweek.[39][40] In 2020, he again endorsed Bernie Sanders for President.[41]
In 2017, he again teamed up with Jacob Kornbluth to produce the documentary Saving Capitalism, based on his book of that name. Netflix chose the film to be a Netflix Original Documentary. In the documentary, Reich says the election of Donald Trump has driven resentment on the part of the American working class that the prevailing capitalist economic system no longer worked for them. Reich characterized the common fundamental beliefs about capitalism to be false: the first that free markets exist outside of government intervention, and the second that capitalism can be regarded as inherently good or bad for the majority. Instead, he argues that the choice faced by policymakers was about the nature of government intervention, and the performance of the capitalist system for the majority was a function of the rules governing it, rather than the system itself. Reich posits that large corporations began in the late 1960s to use financial power to purchase influence among the political class and consolidate political power, highlighting in particular the influence of the 2010 Citizens United ruling that allowed corporations to contribute to election campaigns. In the documentary, he advocates for grassroots political mobilization among working class Americans to countervail the political power of corporate America.[42]
In February 2017, Reich stated that he would not rule out that violence at UC Berkeley against Donald Trump supporter Milo Yiannopoulos was a right-wing false flag for Trump to strip universities of federal funding. This idea was described as "phantasmagorical" by The Washington Post.[43]
In February 2018, his book The Common Good was published. In it, he argued that America's national identity did not derive from skin color, ethnicity, Christianity, or other nativist ideas, but from the ideals of equal political rights and equal opportunity found in the Constitution and Bill of Rights. He called for a new patriotism centered on what Americans owe one another as members of the same society.
Political stances
Official Department of Labor portrait of Robert Reich
In an interview with The New York Times, he explained that "I don't believe in redistribution of wealth for the sake of redistributing wealth. But I am concerned about how we can afford to pay for what we as a nation need to do [...] [Taxes should pay] for what we need in order to be safe and productive. As Oliver Wendell Holmes once wrote, 'taxes are the price we pay for a civilized society.'"[44]
In response to a question as to what to recommend to the incoming president regarding a fair and sustainable income and wealth distribution, Reich said: "Expand the Earned Income Tax Credit—a wage supplement for lower-income people, and finance it with a higher marginal income tax on the top five percent. For the longer term, invest in education for lower income communities, starting with early-childhood education and extending all the way up to better access to post-secondary education."[44]
Reich is pro-union, saying: "Unionization is not just good for workers in unions, unionization is very, very important for the economy overall, and would create broad benefits for the United States."[45][46] He also favors raising the federal minimum wage to $15/hr across three years, believing that it will not adversely impact big business, and will increase higher value worker availability.[47]
Reich also supports an unconditional and universal basic income.[48] On the eve of a June 2016 popular vote in Switzerland on basic income, he declared that countries will have to introduce this instrument sooner or later.[49]
Social media
File:What's the Fed - inequality media .webm
What's the Fed? Reich explaining the Federal Reserve
In 2013, with Jacob Kornbluth, Reich founded Inequality Media, which produces videos, live interviews on Facebook, portions of his undergraduate class at Berkeley, and long-form videos. The purpose is to educate the public about the implications of the widening inequalities of income, wealth, and political power. Reich and Kornbluth have produced more than 90 videos of two minutes each about the economy and current events, that have been watched by more than 50 million people.
Since shortly after the 2017 inauguration Reich began producing a "Resistance Report" program, offering contextual analysis of latest White House and Cabinet activities, typically a 15- to 30-minute presentation, available on social media sites like Facebook and YouTube.[50]
In late January 2020, Reich and Inequality Media launched a new YouTube weekly talk show called The Common Good.[51]
Personal life
Reich married Clare Dalton in 1973, and they have two sons, Sam, an American producer, director, writer, actor, and performer, and Adam, a sociology professor at Columbia University. They divorced in 2012.[11]
Awards
Galbraith-Schlesinger Award for Lifetime Achievement, Americans for Democratic Action, June 2009.
Outstanding Mentorship of Graduate Student Instructors, University of California at Berkeley, 2009.
Bruno-Kreisky Award, best political book of year (Supercapitalism), 2009.
Vaclav Havel Prize, Prague, October 2003.
Distinguished Citizen Scholar Award, University of Massachusetts at Amherst, 2003.
Nelson Rockefeller Distinguished Public Service Award, Dartmouth College, 2002.
Teacher of the Year, Brandeis University, 2001.
Louis Brownlow Award (best book on public administration), National Academy of Public Administration, 1984.[52]
Books
1982: Minding America's Business: The Decline and Rise of the American Economy (with Ira Magaziner), ISBN 0-394-71538-1
1983: The Next American Frontier, ISBN 0-8129-1067-2
1985: New Deals: The Chrysler Revival and the American System (with writer John Donahue), ISBN 0-14-008983-7
1987: Tales of a New America: The Anxious Liberal's Guide to the Future, ISBN 0-394-75706-8
1989: The Resurgent Liberal: And Other Unfashionable Prophecies, ISBN 0-8129-1833-9
1990: The Power of Public Ideas (editor), ISBN 0-674-69590-9
1990: Public Management in a Democratic Society, ISBN 0-13-738881-0
1991: The Work of Nations: Preparing Ourselves for 21st Century Capitalism, ISBN 0-679-73615-8
1997: Locked in the Cabinet, ISBN 0-375-70061-7
2000: The Future of Success: Working and Living in the New Economy, ISBN 0-375-72512-1
2002: I'll Be Short: Essentials for a Decent Working Society, ISBN 0-8070-4340-0
2004: Reason: Why Liberals Will Win the Battle for America, ISBN 1-4000-7660-9
2007: Supercapitalism: The Transformation of Business, Democracy, and Everyday Life, ISBN 0-307-26561-7
2010: Aftershock: The Next Economy and America's Future, ISBN 978-0-307-59281-1 (updated edition 2013)
2012: Beyond Outrage: What Has Gone Wrong with Our Economy and Our Democracy, and How to Fix It, ISBN 978-0345804372
2015: Saving Capitalism: For the Many, Not the Few, ISBN 978-0385350570
2017: Economics in Wonderland, ISBN 978-1683960607
2018: The Common Good, ISBN 978-0525520498
2020: The System: Who Rigged It, How We Fix It, ISBN 9780525659044
Plays
Milton and Augusto (reading, University of California Berkeley, Center for Latin American Studies, September 2013)
Public Exposure (East Coast premier, Wellfleet Harbor Actor's Theater, June 2005; West Coast premier, Santa Rosa Theater, June 2008)[52]
Filmography
These documentaries, and additional social media movies, have been made in collaboration with Jacob Kornbluth.
2013: Inequality for All
2017: Saving Capitalism
Robert B. Reich
Title
Professor
Department
Goldman School of Public Policy
Faculty URL
http://gspp.berkeley.edu/directories/faculty/robert-reich
Email
gspp-execasst@berkeley.edu
Phone
(510) 642-0560
Search UC Berkeley Directory
Research Expertise and Interest
economic inequality, industrial policy, macroeconomic policy, public management and leadership
Research Description
Robert B. Reich has served in three national administrations, most recently as secretary of labor under President Bill Clinton. He also served on President-Elect Obama’s transition advisory board. He has written seventeen books, including The Work of Nations, which has been translated into 22 languages; the best-sellers The Future of Success and Locked in the Cabinet, Supercapitalism, Aftershock and Beyond Outrage.
Professor Reich is co-founding editor of The American Prospect magazine. His commentaries can be heard weekly on public radio’s Marketplace. In 2003, Reich was awarded the prestigious Vaclav Havel Vision Foundation Prize, by the former Czech president, for his pioneering work in economic and social thought. In 2008, Time Magazine named him one of the ten most successful cabinet secretaries of the century. He received his B.A. from Dartmouth College, his M.A. from Oxford University where he was a Rhodes Scholar, and his J.D. from Yale Law School.
Books:
The System: Who Rigged It, How We Fix It (Knopf, 2020)
The Common Good (Knopf, 2018),
Economics In Wonderland (Fantagraphics Books, 2017),
Saving Capitalism: For the Many, Not the Few (Knopf, 2015),
Beyond Outrage (Knopf, 2012),
Aftershock: The Next Economy and America's Future (Knopf, 2010),
Supercapitalism (Knopf, 2007),
Reason (Knopf, 2004),
I'll Be Short (Beacon, 2002),
The Future of Success (Knopf, 2000),
Locked in the Cabinet (Knopf, 1997),
The Work of Nations (Knopf, 1991),
The Power of Public Ideas (ed), (Harvard U. Press, 1988),
Tales of a New America (Times, 1987),
New Deals (co-author, Times, 1984),
The Next American Frontier (Times, 1983),
Minding America's Business (co-author, Harcourt Brace, 1981).
Robert Reich
Carmel P. Friesen Professor of Public Policy
About
Research
In the News
Biography
Robert B. Reich has served in three national administrations, most recently as secretary of labor under President Bill Clinton. He also served on President-Elect Obama’s transition advisory board. He has written twelve books, including The Work of Nations, which has been translated into 22 languages; the best-sellers The Future of Success and Locked in the Cabinet, Supercapitalism, Aftershock and Beyond Outrage.
Professor Reich is co-founding editor of The American Prospect magazine. His commentaries can be heard weekly on public radio’s Marketplace. In 2003, Reich was awarded the prestigious Vaclav Havel Vision Foundation Prize, by the former Czech president, for his pioneering work in economic and social thought. In 2008, Time Magazine named him one of the ten most successful cabinet secretaries of the century. He received his B.A. from Dartmouth College, his M.A. from Oxford University where he was a Rhodes Scholar, and his J.D. from Yale Law School.
Curriculum Vitae
Download a PDF (175KB, updated 09-04-2019)
Areas of Expertise
Industrial Policy
Labor and Employment
Leadership and Management
Politics
Poverty & Inequality
Leadership and Social Change
Macroeconomic Policy
Social and Economic Policy
Last updated on 03/06/2020
Robert Reich's latest book is "THE SYSTEM: Who Rigged It, How To Fix It," out March 24.
He is Chancellor's Professor of Public Policy at the University of California at Berkeley and Senior Fellow at the Blum Center. He served as Secretary of Labor in the Clinton administration, for which Time Magazine named him one of the 10 most effective cabinet secretaries of the twentieth century. He has written 17 other books, including the best sellers "Aftershock,""The Work of Nations," "Beyond Outrage," and "The Common Good." He is a founding editor of the American Prospect magazine, founder of Inequality Media, a member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, and co-creator of the award-winning documentaries "Inequality For All," and "Saving Capitalism," both now streaming on Netflix.
Robert Reich Shows Off His Cartooning Skills In 'Economics In Wonderland'
November 12, 20177:00 AM ET
ETELKA LEHOCZKY
Economics in Wonderland
Economics in Wonderland
A Cartoon Guide to a Political World Gone Mad and Mean
by Robert B. Reich
Hardcover, 120 pagespurchase
If you only know Robert B. Reich as a former secretary of Labor, frequent TV commentator and author of numerous books on economic policy, you're missing out. Turns out, he's also got a remarkable knack for wielding a Sharpie. His economic cartoons are a vital part of such documentaries as 2013's Inequality for All and Saving Capitalism, due out this month. Now he's putting his artistic side front and center in Economics in Wonderland: A Cartoon Guide to a Political World Gone Mad and Mean — and I spoke to him about his cartooning life (our interview has been edited for length and clarity).
Reich tells me that as a kid, he always went straight for the comics pages of the newspaper. "I'm dating myself, but they used to have whole comics [pages] that would come with the Sunday paper! That was the age of 6 or 7, that's the first thing I looked at."
When Reich got a little older, he discovered the cartoons in the New Yorker: "I used to send cartoons to the New Yorker, and I was always rejected. I began to paper the walls of my bedroom with rejection slips from the New Yorker and I actually papered the entire wall of my bedroom. I had New Yorker rejection slips for all my cartoons," he says.
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In the book you say that, having taught two generations of college students, you've noticed what you called a "subtle but unmistakable change in the way they absorb information." What's the nature of that change?
I used to send cartoons to the 'New Yorker,' and I was always rejected. I began to paper the walls of my bedroom with rejection slips from the 'New Yorker' and I actually papered the entire wall of my bedroom.
Robert B. Reich
Young people today are much more visually acute than they were a generation ago. They pick up visual cues much faster. I think a lot of that comes from watching films, and videos, and the Internet. I [could] sit next to a young person, watching a movie, and they would see things that would completely escape me. One of my sons suggested about five or six years ago, "If you want to reach my generation, Dad, you might want to experiment with videos, and film, and even cartooning."
Was it hard to figure out how to draw economic cartoons?
At first, it was quite a challenge. Economic concepts don't readily lend themselves to cartoons. [They] tend to be abstract or complicated. I struggled for six months or so while I figured out how to best convey these concepts visually.
It's hard to explain abstract concepts like "tax expenditures" in cartoon form, says Robert B. Reich.
Robert B. Reich./Fantagraphics
Macroeconomic concepts, in terms of total aggregate demand in an economy, the business cycle, economic growth, the determinants of economic growth, all of those things. Those are particularly difficult, because it tends to be so abstract. It's also a very contentious area of economics, particularly after the financial crisis of 2008. There's still a great deal of head-scratching about macroeconomics. Microeconomics concepts and public policy issues are far easier because they're closer to home. People have more direct experience with them.
Why do cartoons work to convey these ideas? Is it something about seeing that little face there, that hooks people in?
Yes. A face that has a little bit of emotion, or a series of faces, and then some movement. People react to faces and to bodies that are in motion. They're curious about what those little people are doing, why they're doing it.
Was there a particular concept or section in the book that you had to come back to a couple of times to figure out the best way of illustrating it?
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There's one on the word of the year. Every year, the folks at Pictionary.com look for a word that trended during the year. Last year's word was "xenophobia." That was a challenge — how to express xenophobia in cartoons? The same with "patriotism." I wanted to help people understand that the concept of patriotism was not primarily about waving the flag or singing the national anthem, but had some deeper meanings. I struggled for a while about how to simply get that across.
On Page 12, Tax Expenditures, you go from big, simple shapes at the top to more complicated shapes at the bottom. How did that drawing evolve?
Most people have no idea what a tax expenditure is and they don't know that it's the same as government spending. So what I had to do, both in the essay and also visually, is make that big point very, very clear. Then to get more detailed about what that all meant: Why mortgage interest is a tax expenditure. Why tax deferred pensions are tax expenditures. And then, what was the problem with tax expenditures. The cartoon doesn't explain it [all] in itself, but I tried to give life to the essay.
What symbols or drawings serve as visual cues for people, in some of your illustrations?
Economic concepts don't readily lend themselves to cartoons. [They] tend to be abstract or complicated.
Robert B. Reich
I've found that you can very simply give a sense, visually, of an almost infinite crowd by having a handful of people in the front and then showing they go far into the background. People get it really, really easily. [To show] the wall between church and state, all you need is a little [bit] of a wall, and then you can see holes in the wall. And you have religious institutions on one side, and you've got somebody standing there who's holding the American flag, but he's a little worried. You can see how simple that drawing is. The goal is to convey a lot in that simplicity.
Do you plan on using cartoons in your work in the future?
In December I'm going to do a [video of a] very long cartoon, half of an entire wall. I'm not sure I'm going to say anything. It may be just one very, very large cartoon that the camera follows, and so people can make sense of it as I go along.
What's it going to be about?
It will be about how we got into the current fix we're in, economically and politically, and how we get out. It's going to need an entire wall.
You might find yourself turning the corner and taking up two walls.
That's right, and the ceiling.
Etelka Lehoczky has written about books for The New York Times, The Los Angeles Times and Salon.com. She tweets at @EtelkaL.
Reich, Robert B. The common good. Knopf, 2018. 193p bibl ISBN 9780525520498 cloth, $22.95; ISBN 9780525520504 ebook, contact publisher for price
Reich (Berkeley), author of 15 books on current political topics, offers a short work about American identity that balances the common good against self-interest. His argument, supported by examples ranging from the 1960s to the present, is that the US has stopped reflecting on the common good as a principal goal of development. Selfish interests have filled the void, exemplified by scandals involving political and business leaders. Without pretending to make scientific presentation of the subject matter and by using major newspapers' vocabulary, Reich calls for reconsidering the present vicious situation as a first step toward bringing back the sense of commonness. Structurally, the book first identifies the common good and its impact on American society. Second, it analyzes the reasons for the decline of the common good in the US. Finally, the author suggests ways to reverse this decline. They include choosing political leaders who promote common values, honoring civic behavior that advances the common good, speaking truth in public, and educating children as self-expressing individuals and as citizens responsible for upholding common values. Summing Up: ** Recommended. All readership levels.--S. Mitropolitski, University of Ottawa
Copyright: COPYRIGHT 2018 American Library Association CHOICE
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Mitropolitski, S. "Reich, Robert B.: The common good." CHOICE: Current Reviews for Academic Libraries, vol. 55, no. 11, July 2018, p. 1405. Gale General OneFile, https://link.gale.com/apps/doc/A550491887/ITOF?u=schlager&sid=ITOF&xid=e7a47455. Accessed 9 Apr. 2020.
The Common Good. By Robert B. Reich. Feb. 2018. 208p. illus. Knopf, $22.95 (9780525520498). 323.6.
Reich (Saving Capitalism, 2015)--a former secretary of labor, professor of public policy, and lucid and prolific author of conscience--gauges the deterioration of our understanding of and commitment to the common good in spite of the fact that our shared principles and civic interconnectivity comprise the very fabric of society. "Truth itself is a common good," Reich asserts, as is public education, which should prepare us for informed participation in our democracy. He quotes Jefferson: "Ignorance and despotism seem made for each other." We also need a robust free press to hold our government responsible. These and every other facet of the common good are now imperiled under "whatever-it-takes-to-win" politics and business, which have fused via the massive influx of corporate money into Washington. Trump in the White House, he argues, is the culmination of the suppression of civic values by celebrity, lies, greed, the abuse of power, and the stoking of fear and anger. Reich's lucidly defining and empowering call for revitalized civic awareness--complete with an enticing list of recommended reading and discussion guide--is an ideal catalyst for book-group conversations.--Donna Seaman
Copyright: COPYRIGHT 2018 American Library Association
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Seaman, Donna. "The Common Good." Booklist, vol. 114, no. 11, 1 Feb. 2018, p. 5. Gale General OneFile, https://link.gale.com/apps/doc/A527771703/ITOF?u=schlager&sid=ITOF&xid=9ceecc3f. Accessed 9 Apr. 2020.
Reich, Robert B. THE COMMON GOOD Knopf (Adult Nonfiction) $22.95 2, 28 ISBN: 978-0-525-52049-8
Reich (Public Policy/Univ. of California; Saving Capitalism, 2015, etc.) takes a note from Adam Smith and runs with it in this spirited defense of the public sphere.
The best economy may be one in which unrestrained trade occurs in keeping with the laws of supply and demand, but it is also one in which human needs are met and externalities such as environmental costs are taken into account. In this new gilded age, writes the author, the common good is often ignored, even if a few interesting things are happening. For one thing, Donald Trump "has at least brought us back to first principles....Trump has got us talking about democracy versus tyranny." The president and his ilk have also gotten us talking about whether there is such a thing as a social contract or a public domain after all. In this brief but well-argued treatise, Reich contrasts shareholder and stakeholder capitalism, the excesses of the former often explained away by the notion that the executive has a fiduciary obligation to increase returns to shareholders no matter what the cost. "The argument is tautological," writes the author. "It assumes that investors are the only people worthy of consideration. What about the common good?" The enemies of the common good are countless, from latter-day slumlords to deregulated megabanks and untrammeled hedge funds, all of which disregard the rules society has evolved to keep transactions fair, "tacit rules that can be exploited by people who view them as opportunities for selfish gain rather than as social constraints." Reich examines the rise of ruleless society as a function of declining trust in social institutions. Against all this, among other things--and now borrowing a page from Sandra Day O'Connor--the author urges a renewal of civic education to enable people "to work with others to separate facts and logic from values and beliefs," including, one assumes, the belief that it is acceptable to rob the public blind.
Idealistic and stronger in description than prescription, but a provocative essay nonetheless.
Copyright: COPYRIGHT 2018 Kirkus Media LLC
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"Reich, Robert B.: THE COMMON GOOD." Kirkus Reviews, 1 Feb. 2018. Gale General OneFile, https://link.gale.com/apps/doc/A525461608/ITOF?u=schlager&sid=ITOF&xid=c970aa32. Accessed 9 Apr. 2020.
Reich, Robert B. THE SYSTEM Knopf (NonFiction None) $24.00 3, 24 ISBN: 978-0-525-65904-4
The bestselling author presents his case that severe income inequality is the leading factor eroding American democracy.
After serving as the secretary of labor for Bill Clinton, Reich became a professor, frequent commentator on our ailing political system, and author of such bestsellers as Locked in the Cabinet, The Common Good, and Supercapitalism. In his latest, he urges all Americans outside the wealthiest 1% to stop thinking in terms of left vs. right or Democrat vs. Republican. Instead, writes the author, the crucial battle is Oligarchy vs. Democracy. The oligarchs, no matter what they say publicly about promoting democracy within a vigorous capitalistic economy, care almost exclusively about expanding their wealth. The accumulation of such wealth, writes Reich, has destroyed the middle class and offers nothing but misery to minimum wage workers. Throughout the narrative, the author relies heavily on the career of Jamie Dimon to illustrate his theories. Dimon, the CEO and chairman of JPMorgan Chase, presents himself as an enlightened supporter of the Democratic Party as well as a philanthropist actively seeking to reduce income inequality. Digging deeper, Reich argues that Dimon, while perhaps sincere in his own mind, is just another enabler of oligarchy. That enabling occurs not only via his too-big-to-fail bank, but also through Dimon’s leadership of the Business Roundtable, a lobbying organization consisting of the most powerful chief executives in the U.S. By opposing government regulation of industry and pushing for corporate tax cuts, Dimon and his fellow BR board members demonstrate their disdain for any legislation that might increase income equality among all socio-economic levels. As the author incisively shows, while opposing a safety net for the needy, corporate leaders regularly accept socialism for the extremely wealthy through government bailouts, an unfair tax code, and other measures. In various passages, Reich explains how the oligarchs have helped create and then bolster Donald Trump and his supporters.
Much-needed, readably concise political and economic analysis.
Copyright: COPYRIGHT 2020 Kirkus Media LLC
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"Reich, Robert B.: THE SYSTEM." Kirkus Reviews, 15 Mar. 2020. Gale General OneFile, https://link.gale.com/apps/doc/A617193086/ITOF?u=schlager&sid=ITOF&xid=a0fda6f4. Accessed 9 Apr. 2020.